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^\) GENEALOGY COLLECTION
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ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
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3 1833 01274 1184
GENEALOGY
I94I.73OI
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THE HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO
THH BURKB EFFIGY, GLIXSK, COUNTY GAIAVAY,
II. S. CRAwroRD, i>hoto
THE HISTORY"
OF THE
COUNTY OF MAYO
TO THE CLOSE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
HUBERT THOMAS KNOX
M.R.I.A., F.R.S.A.I.
FORMERLY OF THE MADRAS CIVIL SERVICE
DUBLIN HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., Ltd.
PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY 1908
13S810S PREFACE.
In this first History of the County some errors must be expected, but I trust that they will be found to be very few as to matters of fact. Some opinions are new, for which general acceptance cannot be expected at once, but it is my hope that such readers as study the evidence for themselves will agree with me, if not wholly, to a great extent.
The fulness of the parts dealing with the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, and again of those dealing with the latter half of the sixteenth century, as compared with the part relating to the intervening two hundred years, is due to the want of full English Records after the King ceased to govern in Connaught.
Ecclesiastical affairs are passed over lightly, because they have been dealt with already in my " Notes on the Dioceses of Tuam and Killala and Achonry," published when I did not expect to finish this history, for which they were prepared.
If the Genealogical Tables seem unnecessary in number, and inclusive of names not wanted for this book, it is because it is impossible to understand fully the alhances of Allans and tribes and their quarrels, external and internal, without a knowledge of the family relationships in which they usually originated. These tables are, generally, not accessible in print, and they will be neceseary to those who carry on the history of the Mayo families into the next century.
My thanks are due to His Grace the Archbishop of
vi PREFACE.
Canterbury for leave to publish parts of the " Division of Connaught and Thomond, 1574."
To the Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, for leave to use the translations of the '• Historia et Genealogia Familite de Burgo."
To the Council of the Royal Irish Academy for leave to use extracts from " MacFirbis's Great Book of Genealogies."
To the Council of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland for the loan of the blocks of the Maps in pp. 326, 328, 338.
To the Controller of His Majesty's Stationery Office for leave to quote from the Irish Annals, the Calendars, and other publications of that office.
To Mr. H. S. Crawford for the use of his photograph of the Glinsk Effigy of WiUiam Burke.
To the representative of the late Rev. D. Murphy for leave to quote from his " Life of Hugh Roe O'Donnell."
H. T. KNOX.
March 2, 1908.
ABBREVIATIONS.
yA.C.:= Annals of Clonmacnoise (Murphy's Edition). Volume of the Koyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. A.I. = Annals of Innisfallen in O'Conor's " Rerum Hibernicarura Scrip- tores Veteres." A.T. = Annals of Tigernach in Revue Cdtiquc. A. U. = Annals of Ulster. Rolls Series.
C. = Chief or king of tribe. C.S. = Chronicum Scotorum. Rolls Series. D.F.= Annals of Duald MacFirbis in Miscellany of Irish Arcluepilogical
Society, vol. i. D.I. = Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1172-1207. Ix- D.K. = Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Ireland. F.M. = Annals of the Four Masters (O'Donovan's Translation). Hist, et Gen. = Historia et Genealogia Familise de Burgo. See Appendix.
H.F. = Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach (O'Donovan's Translation). K.C., K.I. = King of Connaught, King of Ireland. L.C. = Annals of Loch Ce. Rolls Series. •^ O.S.L.M. = Ordnance Survey Letters, County Mayo.
P.R. = Plea Rolls in the Public Record Office, Dublin. _
y R.S.A.I. = Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, including
its earlier titles. J S.P.I.E. = State Papers, Ireland, Queen Elizabeth. In the Public Record Office, London. In the Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, Henry VIII., &c. In a few cases the originals have been used. S.T.L. = Stokes's Edition of the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick. Rolls Series.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. The Earliest Legends.
PAGE
Iberians — Celts or Gael — Tribes of earliest legends — " Invasions of Ire- land " — Three kingdoms of the Olnegmacht — Queen Meave's period — Clann Umoir — Attacottic revolution and Tuathal Techtmar — Clann Morna and Conn Cedcathach — Battle of Moylena — 'I'he Fianna — Cormac MacArt and Lngni Firtri — Cairbre LifFeach.nir nnd Clann Morna 1
CHAPTER II.
The Early Milesian Period.
Probable transformation of Olnegmacht clans into Milesians — Kingdom of Irrusdomnonn and its constituent tribes— Other tribes of Mayo^ — Those of rest of Connaught — Book of Rights ...... 15
CHAPTER III. The Fifth Century and Establishment of Christianity.
Brian and Fiachra — Family rivalry— Fiachra, Dathi, Duach Galach, and St. Patrick — St. Patrick's early work — Amalgaid — St. Patrick's tour in S. Mayo — Death of Amalgaid, and St. Patrick's visit to Tirawlev — Ailill Molt— Battle of Segais ".24
CHAPTER IV.
From Accession of Eoghan Bel to a.d. 800.
Christian mission work in sixth century — Battle of Sligo— Quarrels of Guaire and Muredach, and murder of St. Cellach — Ailill Inbanna — Decay of kingdom of Irrusdomnonn — Later events — Establishment of great monasteries — Influence on architecture 31
CHAPTER V.
From a.d. 800 to the Anglo-Norman Invasion.
Invasions by Northmen — Partition between O'Dowda and O'Keewan — Round Towers— Wars with Munster and Ulster— Rise of Torlogh Mor — Sea fight near Inishowen — Relations of King of Connaught with sub-kings — Ecclesiastical affairs .38
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
/' Relations of the King of Connaught ^YITH the King of England in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries.
Ruaidhri's settlement in 1175— Quarrels with sons— Cathal Crobhderg's settlements in 1201 and 1215— Aedh's rebellion— Partition ofCon- nauffht in 1228— Submission of Felim in 1237— Rebellion of his son Aedh— O'Conor's lordship reduced to tln-ee cautreds— Subsequent relations
CHAPTER VII. State of the Country from 1170 to 1237
CHAPTER VIII.
Events from 1170 to 1224.
Rebellion of Murrough O'Conor— Cathal Crobhderg invades Munster- Castlehag— William de Burgo's invasions— He turns against Cathal- Death— Notices of Mayo chieftains
CHAPTER IX.
From Accession of Aedh to the Submission of Felim IN 1237.
Rebellion against Aedh and invasion of Mayo, 1225-Aedh's rebellion- Invasion of 122G— Partition of Connaught in 1228— Invasion of 1230 —Arrest of Felim— Release and attack on R. de Burgo— Invasion of 1235, and fighting in Clew Bay— O'Couors rise in 1237— Peace and colonisation
59
72
CHAPTER X.
Ecclesiastical Affairs to the Sixteenth Century.
Effects of transfer of endowments and imposition of tithes— New style of abbeys and parish churches-^Appointment of bishops— Power of King and Pope— Decay of cathedral and parish clergy— Parish church architecture— Growth of monastic clergy and architecture- List of monasteries— Course of Reformation 90
CHAPTER XI.
Enfeoffment and Colonisation.
Organisation of Connaught lordship— Division of Mayo into fees— Early barons' castles— Manors, tuaths, duns, and motes— Early manor houses or castles— Manor of Lehinch— Market towns . . . .101
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII. Changes of Appearance of Country.
>Ar,E
Duns, cabers, and raths — Dwelling-houses — Woods and water — Tillage — Crannogs — The great high forts — Roads — Ecclesiastical cashels and towns — Kound towers and stone churches — • Anglo-Norman buildings 109
CHAPTER XIII.
From the Colonisation to the Death of Earl Walter.
Incidents in 124t) — O'Conor raids and rising in Umall — Sheriff killed by pirates— MacCostellos fight with O'Conors — Invasions by Aedh O'Conor — War of Burkes and Geraldines — War with Aedh O'Conor — Defeat of EarlAYalter at Athancliip 113
CHAPTER XIV. The Time of Earl Richard.
Rising and expulsion of Clan Murtough — Battle of Kilroe— Imprisonment of the Earl by John FitzThomas — Settlement — Sir W. de Burgo — Wars of Thomond — Bruce war and O'Conor war — Battle of Athenry . 120
CHAPTER XV.
From Death of Earl Richard to the Fall of the King's Government in Connaught.
Walter de Burgo and the O'Couors — His rebellion and death — Murder of Earl William — sir Edmond and Edmond Albanagh and the O'Conors quarrel — Murder of Sir Edmond — Consequences 130
CHAPTER XVI.
The De Burgo Family in Connaught and their Irish
Xeighbours 137
CHAPTER XVII. Establishment of the MacWilliamship H2
CHAPTER XVIII.
The First ^IacWilliams.
Edmond Albanagh — Fights with Clanmorris — O'Conor factions — Fights with Berminghams — Sir Edmond's son invades Connaught— Rise of ' Richard Og— Edmond and Clanricard — Subdues Clanricard— Appear- ance of Gallowglassos — His son Thomas— Position as MacWilliam — Wars with neighbours— Wars of the two O'Conors — Admits superiority of Richard Og— Submits to King Richard— The De Exeters— Barretts rise against him— General attack on Sligo O'Conors— Counties of Mayo and Sligo take shape . . " . 146
CONTEXTS.
CHAPTER XIX. The MacWilliams, Sons axd Grandsons of Sir Thomas
BOURKE— 1401 TO 1503.
Outline of events in his sons' time — Walter — Various fighting — Defeat at Ath Lighen — Peace in 1420 between the MacWilliams — At war in 1430 — Great famine — Edmond na Fesoige — Forces Upper MacWilliam to
, / submit — Famine and plague — Barrett quaip61 — O'Kellys of Donamona — Thomas Og — Richard — Period of the grandsons of Sir Thomas — Richard O'Cuairsci — Invades Galway with O'Donnell — Battle of Glanog^AUies quarrel over O'Conors of Sligo — Consequent warfare — Theobald — The Bourkes quarrel — Battle of Ardnarea with O'Donnell — TJie Bourkes and Barretts — Peace with O'Donnell — Ships sent to Tirconnell — Lord Deputy sets up O'Conor Donn — Theobald puts him down
CHAPTER XX.
From 1503 to 1550.
General course of events — Edmond III. — Battle of Knockdoe — Murder of John Bourke — Skirmishes with O'Donnell in Leyny and Tireragh — Murder of Edmond — John I. — Mejder — Edmond IV — Connaught marches against O'Donnell and retreats — O'Donnell invades Tirawley — Takes Castleruore — John II. of the Termon— Ulick — O'Dowdas and Ardnarea — Theobald II. — Barretts and Bourkfes — Succession of MacWilliams unknown — Revival of king's power ....
CHAPTER XXL
From 1550 to 1568.
Fighting between Bourkes — John MacOliverus and Scots defeated in the Curlews — David, MacWilliam — Bourkes and Scots defeated at Cloonee — Richard III. visits the Lord Deputy — Settlement of disputes with Lord Clanricard — Claims to Moyne Castle — Sidney comes to Galway . 170
CHAPTER XXII.
From the Formation of the County of Mayo to the Death of Sir N. Malbie.
Government of Connaught formed — The county defined — The cess— Battle of Shrule — Submission of Bourkes — Fear of changes — Sir John MacOliverus — Rebellion — Fitton's operations. 1571 — MacWilliam rebels and submits—" Division of Connaught " — Sidney proposes com- position— His account of Mayo — Rebellion of Earl's sons — Grace O'Malley— Richard an larainn's rising— Death of Sir John— Malbie establishes Richard an larainn — Rising of Richard MacOliverus — He becomes MacWilliam — Malbie's work in Connaught ....
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Composition for Cess and the Introduction of the
English Law 199
CONTENTS. Xlll
CHAPTER XXTY.
FrOxM the Composition to thk Retukx of Sir R. Bixgham
IX 1588.
PAGE
The composition introduced— Death of Sir R. Bonrke— Castlehag rising- Lord Deputy's intervention— Extinction of MacWilliaraship apd spread of rebellion— Suppression — Execution of Edniond of Castlebar — In- vasion by Scots— Battle of Ardnarea— Charges against Bingham and acquittal — Remarks on composition — Composition for Costello — Administration of law— English settlers 205
CHAPTER XXV.
From the Coming of the Spanish Armada to the Peace of 1589.
Spanish ships on this coast— Execution of Ju.stin MacDonnell — Beginning of rebellion — Weakness of Government — John Browne's commission — Rebels kill him — Spread of rebellion — Demands of rebels — Battle of Carras — Peace negotiations and their failure — Bingham's action against rebels — Lord Deputy withdraws him and sues for peace — Further action of rebels — Their submission
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Persecution of Sir R. Bingham and the Suppression OF the Rebellion.
Unfair arrangements for trial of the Governor — Trial and acquittal — Martial law — FitzWilliam's circuit — Taking up of cattle — Scots land in Erris — Blind Abbot proclaimed MacWilliam — Parleying with rebels — Orders from England for action — Further parleying — Bingham ordered to act — The march throusrh Mavo — The Blind Abbot loses his foot — Peace . 237
CHAPTER XXVI 1. From 1590 to 1595.
Defeat of Scots in Erris — Attack on John Bingham — Some social conditions — Attack on the sessions— Operations against rebels and terms of peace — Arrest of Tibbot na Long — Grace O'Malley in England — Her petitions and answers — Richard Bourke's raid from I'lster ..... 2i6
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Breakdown of Government.
Murder of George Binghaiu and loss of Sligo Castle — Consequences — O'Donnell's raid — Sickness of soldiers — Disastrous attempt to relieve Belleek— Mayo abandoned to the rebels — Charges against Sir R. Bing- ham— His tlight to England — His government ..... 256
XIV CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIX.
O'Donnell's Dominatiox and the Final Peace.
PAGE
Eebels refuse to meet Sir W. Russell — O'Donnell makes a MacWilliam — Sir J. Norris brings an army to Mayo, negotiates, and retires- Clifford's operations — Terms of peace in Mayo — List of pledges — Agreement with Tibbot na Long — Raids from Ulster — Conditions at end of 1597 — Defeat of the Yellow Ford and rebellion in Connaught — Crannog of Lahardane — Defeat of the Yellow Pass — Tibbot na Long's fleet at Sligo — Terms between the two Tibbots — Mayo rebels in Mun- ster — Tibbot na Long hangs Dermot O'Conor — Plot for capture of O'Donnell — Richard Bourke set up as MacWilliam and killed — Battle of Kinsale establishes the queen's supremacy ..... 2(5.S
CHAPTER XXX.
The Barony of Kilmaine.
Early tribes — Norman settlement — Bourke division — MacSeonins — Maf-
Tibbots — MacMeylers — MacDonnells 280
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Barony of Carra.
Early tribes — Norman settlement — Stauntons — Branaghs — MacPhilpins — Sauvages — Barrys — Bourke divisions — O'Kellys — MacDonnells — Formation of baronv 286
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Barony of Tirawley.
Early tribes— Mullaghorne—Hy Fiachrach clans — Their chiefs — Norman settlement — Barrett, Carew, and Cusack claims-^-Barrett estates and clans — Branaghs — MacAnallys — Cusacks — Carews — Lynotts-^Mct.- ricks — De Exeters — Berminghams and Ardnarea — Feud of Barretts and Lynotts — MacDonnells — Bourkes 289
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Barony of Erris. ,/
The chieftains — Clan Murtough — De Exeters — Butlers — Fleming- Barretts — Bourkes
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Barony of Burrishoole.
Formation of barony— Clan Murtough — Butlers — Bourke clans — Mac- Donnells— Manor of Aghagower 300
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXV.
The Bakony of Murrisk.
Aicill and Umall— Clann Maille— Exploits by sea— Obits— Cruacban of Aigill and Belclare Castle— Lawless estate— MacGibbous—Crannog of Moher Lake ............ 303
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Barony of Gallen.
Formation of barony— Division among De Exeters— Gaelic freeholders—De Exeter family — Malbie's settlement between MacTordan and Mac- William — Entries in Annals 397
CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Barony of Costello.
Early tribes— Early de Angulos— Norman partition— De Angulo lord of Sliabb Lugha — South Costello — Theobald Dillon — Division under MacCostellos — War of MacCostellos and MacDermots — Notices of MacCostcUos — Tlieir genealogy 313
CHAPTER XXXVllI. The Barony of Clanmorkis.
Early tribes and divisions — Prendergasts — FitzSimons, &c. — Independence
of MacWilliams 32i
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Bahony of Ross.
Early tribes — The Joys 324
A P PENT) ICES.
I. The Early Leoend.s 325
II. Agreement between iiik Kaki, ok Ulster and Sir
•loHN FiTzTiioMAS 341
III. Tnqi LsnioNs takkn after the Death of William,
Earl of Ulster 313
IV. 'I'm: Divisions of Connaught, 1570, 1574 .... 34ti
V llisrouiA KT C'ENEAlogia Famiii.k ok HrnGo . .351
h
XVI CONTENTS.
PAGE
VI. Indenture of Composition for Co. Mayo . . , 356
VII. Indenture of Composition for Iar Connaught . . 369
VIII. Barrett Inquisitions ....... 370
IX. Genealogical and other Tables of Gaelic Families.
1. Revised view of early tribal relations, p. 373. 2. Domnonian kings of Connaught and pedigrees, p. 374. 3. Succession of kings of Connaught down to Eochy Moyvane, p. 374. 4. The Irish genealogical system, p. 375. 5. Relationship of principal Milesian clans, p. 376. 6. Relation- ship of Hy Fiachrach clans, nortli and south, p. 378. 7. The race of Dathi, p. 37!». 8. The clans of Hy Briuin of Connaught, p. 381. 9. The Hy Briuin Ai, p. 382. 10. The Silmurray clans, p. 383. 11. Genealogy of Torlogh Mor O'Conor, p. 384. 12. Succession of kings of Connaught of race of Eochy Moyvane, p. 387. 13. Ui Briuin of Umhall, p. 388. 14. Clan Donnell Galloglass of Mayo and Tireragh, p. 390.
X. Genealogical and other Tables of English Families.
1. Succession of the Mac Williams, p. 395. 2. Relationships of the Lower MacWilliams, p. 395. 3. Relationships of the Upper MacWilliams, p. 396. 4. The chief de Burgo clans of Ireland, p. 397. 5. Descend- ants of Sir Edmond Albanagh, Sliocht Walter, p. 399. 6. The Bourkes of Castlebar, Carra, and Umall, p. 400. 7. Sliocht Ulick of Carra and Umall, p. 402. S. Sliocht Ricaird of Tirawley, p. 404. 9. Clan Seonin, p. 406. 10. Clan Philij!, p. 407. 11. Clan Gibbon of Umall, p. 408. 12. Sliocht Ulick of Umall, p. 411. 13. Clan David and Clan Walter of Corcamoe, p. 412. 14. The Burkes of Munster, p. 413. 15. The Joys of Ross, p. 414. ]6.i/rhe Barretts, p. 41(i/ 17. Clan Jordan of Gallen and Clan Stephen, p. 4W. 18. Clan Costello, p. 420.
INDEX 424
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE BURKE EFFIGY AT GLINSK . . . Frontispiece PORTRAIT OF SIR R. BINGHAM . . . To face j). 199
M APS.
CONN AUGHT WEST OF THE SHANNON IN
THE FIFTH CENTURY . . Between jqi. 24 ami 25
THE DE BURGO LORDSHIP OF CONNAUGHT
Between pp. 100 and 101
THE COUNTY OF MAYO At end
THE EARLY IIISTOKY OE THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
CHAPTER I.
THE EAIiLTEST LECIENDS.
Men who used the Paleolithic tools once inhabited these countries, but it is supposed that a gap due to change of climate separated them from those of the Neolithic, or Polished Stone, Period. The first race identified in Ireland is the Iberian, known to have inhabited nearly all France, the British Isles, Spain, and the north-western parts of Africa, now recognised in the Basqiies, the Guanches of the Canary Isles, and the Berbers of Morocco. They are the foundation upon which have settled strata of Celts, Scandinavians, and English, and are held to be the element which supplies the people with black hair, blue or grey eyes, sallow complexions, and fine features.
To them ai-e attributed the dolmens or cromlechs ; the stone circles, mounds, and cairns with small cists to the Celts. These forms pass into each other and are combined, as each race was influenced by the practices of the other and by change of fashion. The great chambei-ed cairns seem to be the greatest result of the combination of both styles, and to have fallen out of use before the historic or even legendary period, being supplanted by burial in cists in small mounds and raths. Cremation was in use when they were made. They are unsuitable for disposal of unburnt bodies.
The earliest monuments show burnt remains, then a jieriod of burial, followed by burning and burial. The practices were to some extent contemporaneous as new fashions came in. There is some indication that burning was pi-actised even up to the Christian period, but it must have been rare, as the legends and annals do not clearly refer to it.
Upon the Iberians came the Celts from the countries about the Danube and Central Germany, occupying France, Northern Italy, a great part of Spain, and the British Isles. These were tlie Gael or Cruithne, who were long afterwards followed by the British Celts who
A
2 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
supplanted them in Northern France and nearly all England, but made no settlements in Ireland, or only small colonies which were absorbed by the Gael,
The Gael of Ireland were a long-headed race. The monuments testify to the settlement of round-headed men in Ireland, whom Mr. Borlase identifies as the Celtte of Cfesar, who must have been few in number, as they have not left marked traces in the population, and are known only by their skulls in tumuli. ^
The Iberian population had lost its identity before the period of the oldest legends, which never mention such a race as extant in Ireland. The ancient Irish historians identified the dark type with the Firbolg, but this identification does not show the existence of a separate race, because their legends show a common descent of Firbolg, Tuatha De Danann, and Milesians.
The best opinion seems to be that the Celts came to these isles about 1250 B.C., bringing bronze into Ireland, if the Iberians had not already got it by trade, as is most probable. The second Celtic invasion of Britain is assigned to the fourth century B.C. Iron had come into use somewhat earlier.
The Dolmens are of almost any period before history. The cairns of New Grange, Dowth, and Lough Crew are believed by Mr. Coffey, on evidence of ornament inscribed on stone, to range from about 800 to 300 B.C. Thus they would coincide with the coming of the Gael in their beginning, and in their end with the introduction of new fashions into Britain by the Belgic Celts.
No credit can be given to the ancient history of invasions of Ireland by Parthalon, Nemed, Firbolg, Tuatha De Danann, and Milesians. At most these invasions represent vague legends of early Celtic migration. Examination shows that they deal with events which occurred when the Gael had been long established in the land, and were broken up into clans as in the historical period, and that those events were of local rather than national importance.
The Fomorians were northern families who took their name from an ancestor named Fomor. The name appears in the pedigree of the Irian race of Ulster. They are the same as the TJladh of later legend. The Tuatha De Danann were clans of Meath and Connaught, ancestors of the Delbna, Cianachta, Luighne, and Gailenga of later times. They were acknowledged to be related to the Domnonians by descent from Nemed, who descended from Partholan's brother.
The Domnonians are called Firbolg, a name of obscure meaning
which comprises Danonians, though it came to be restricted to the
Firdomnonn, Firgaileoin, and Firbolg. I cannot find that the last
named had any distinct existence, unless the general name stuck to a
1 Borlase, " Dolmens of Ireland," p. 1012.
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 3
clan of the Domnonians, being abandoned by others in favour of new names, the usual course in subdivision of Irish royal families. The only trace I find of it is in the Bolg Tuath of Badgna. D. MacFirbis tells us that the Bolg Tuath, the Gabry of the Suck, the Cathry, and the Cruithne of Croghan were descendants of Genann, son of Dela.^ The Firgaileoin are identified without doubt as Tuatha De Danann of Meath and as Cruithne.
If I am right in recognising the Delbna, Luighne, and Gailenga as Danonians, their distribution in Meath and Connaught, the traditional descent of Danonians and Domnonians, and the evidence of the legends combine to prove that they were two great clans of the Gael, who fought wdth each other and with the Fomorach for supremacy in these provinces and in Leinster, and that there was no more difference between them tlian between Hy ISTeill, Hy Briuin, and Hy Fiachrach of history.
All these tribes are of the same great Cruithne race, which includes the Irian race of Ulster, and is the Gael of Ireland. In later times the Milesians arrogated to themselves the name of Gael.
The INIilesian pedigree before the fourth cerrfcury is untrustworthy. It is likely that a man of the Domnonian royal family of Connaught or Meath went to Spain, and acquired distinction and the name of Miled of Spain in the wars between the Celts and the Romans, or between the Celts themselves. Miled is an Irish form of Miles, and translates Galam, his Irish name. His sons may have returned to Ireland. So far there is nothing improbable. He has been utilised in making up Milesian genealogies, largely fictitious, but probably made up of names of real persons available in tradition. The true ancestry of Eochy Feidhlech is Domnonian. Tuathal Teclitmar was a scion of one of the branches of the Domnonian royal family of Con- naught. When it acquired pre-eminence a pedigree was worked up, and many of the great families which maintained their position were in course of time grafted on it, and so lost their real and greater connection. The quarrels of the three great tribes having ended in Domnonian supremacy, the Domnonians themselves were partly turned into Eremonians, and partly disavowed and stigmatised as Firbolgs and Attacots.-
Mayo seldom appears in these legends. But it was a large part of the kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, which, as defined by Keating, extended from the River of Galway to the River Drowse, and seems to have been the dwelling-place of the Gamanry clan.
Though the stories of invasions of Ireland and the dates assigned by Irish historians must be set aside, I see no reason to doubt that
' " Hist, of Firbolgs." Quoted by Borlase, " Dolmens of Ireland," iii. 1117. - For reason, see Appendix.
4 THE EARLY HISTORY OE THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
the main events are generally accurately marshalled according to relative dates, and that they embody some historical facts.
Partholan killed in battle Cical Grigencosach, great-grandson of Uadmor, who is said to have landed at Inver Domnonn, now Broad- haven Bay, twenty years after Partholan according to some his- torians, to have been in Ireland before him according to others. He and his people are called Fomorach, but I take that to be because the historians found no tribe name but that of Fomorach in the earliest legends, and did not recognise Clann Umoir as then in existence. We may take Cical to have been a king of Ti'rusdom- nonn, a MacUmoir.
Nemed next appears fighting with Fomorach, whom he defeated in three battles, one being at Ros Fhraochain in Connaught, said by O'Donovan to be Rosreaghan in Murrisk in this county, a place which I cannot identify. There he slew Gann and Genann, two of their chiefs. Afterwards the Fomorach got the better of the Nemedians, whom they cruelly oppressed. Rivalry may be inferred between the clan of Nemed and that of Umoir for the sovereignty of Connaught, or perhaps for that of Ireland, which the latter now held for a time. It does not appear who Partholan and Nemed Avere. The indications point to chieftains of a great family living to the east of Irrusdom- nonn, probably the ruling family in Connaught and Meath, from wliich came the Tuatha De Danann.
It is impossible to give any kind of date to these legends except that they are a shadow of events which occurred before the battles of Moytura, which may be dated as not long before the beginning of the Christian era.
The Nemedians appear again as the Fiibolgs, who invade Ireland under the command of the five sons of Dela and divide all Ireland among themselves, Connaught falling to Genann. The fact is that they appear as settled in Ireland, in Meath and Connaught, and that members of the family are said to have held the chief sovereignty for thirty-seven years. Their last High King, Eochaidh MacErca, made Tara the residence of the High King of Ireland. The other branches of the clan of Nemed, the Tuatha De Danann, appear and challenge the supremacy. The Danonians, having landed on the coast of Sligo according to the legend, encamped on Slievanierin. When the Firbolg under King Eochaidh prepared to meet them, they went to the west and took up a position in front of ]Mount Belgadan, now called Benlevi, that is at Cong, to the west of Magh Nia, the Plain of Heroes, now called Moytura. It is a curious feature that they aie given as an ally Aengabha, King of Iruaithe, which has always been translated Norway, the usual meaning of the word. He played a distinguished part in the battle. In this case Iruaithe did not mean Norway, but
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 5
tlie Iri.sli kincjdom of Herota or Hirota, which was about Galway,^ whei^e we find in later days two Delbhna clans.
The battle began on midsummer day. On the second day Eoehaidh left the field with 100 men to get water. The three sons of Nemed, son of Badrai, and 150 men chased him to the Strand of Ballysadare, where Eoehaidh and the sons of ISTemed were killed in fight. Eoehaidh was buried where he fell, and a great monument was raised over him, which existed until the nineteenth century. The sons of Nemed were buiied at the west end of the Strand, where the flagstones of the sons of Nemed were set up over them.
After four days' battle the Firbolg were reduced to 300 men under Sreng, son of Sengann. Being outnumbered, they accepted peace, which left them the province of Connaught. Thus the Danonians acquire the sovereignty of Ireland.
Though the monuments of Moytura Cong have been assigned to various persons slain in this battle, and ]Moytura Cong has been accepted as the site, there are good reasons for believing that the battle was fought in Coillte Luighne, near another Cong, a denomina- tion of land discovered by Col. Wood-Martin in an old survey. That site agrees with the position of the Carn of Eochy and the flagstones of Nemed's sons, and the explanation of the name of L. Key given by Gilla Isu Mor Mac Firbisigh in the beginning of the fifteenth century. His opinion deserves great respect, and the Cong site does not fit in with these incidents and traditions. Unfortunately we cannot place much reliance on identification of monuments, but it is a matter of some significance that the writer of the Tale of the First Battle accepted the Strand of Ballysadare as the scene of his death. Yet on the whole the matter must remain in doubt, for a king who ran away from Cong may have been followed up and killed near Ballysadare.
The second battle of Moytura does not concern Mayo directly. It was between Danonians and Ulster men called Fomorach, aided by some Domnonians, who are called Firbolg ancestors of the Claim Umoir. No doubt some Clann Umoir men were concerned, but the legend does not give their names.
The Danonian supremacy is said to have lasted 197 years. It must have lasted long, as so many families which I class as Danonian were settled in Meath and Connaught, but it may have been before as well as after the fir.st battle of Moytura.
The sons of Miled and their cousins, the sons of Ith, now appear, called collectively Clanna Breogain, and the Tuatha ])e Danann disappear as ruling families, but survive in legend as fairies.
The Milesians spread quickly over all Ireland except Connaught, whose Domnonian kings acknowledged the supremacy of the High 1 Profes.sor Bury in KwjUsh Hist. Review, April 1902, p. 2U4.
6 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
King of Tara. They were divided into four great bi'anclies, called the races of Eremon, Ir, Eber, and Ith. The Irish genealogists of later times called all the families whose pedigrees they did not carry up to one of these races by the names of Firbolg and Attacot.
What seem to me to be the true relations between the Domnonians, Eremonians, Milesians, Firbolgs, and Attacots are set out in Appen- dix I., but for practical purposes of history it is convenient to call the tribes by their well-known names, and to accept the tribal group- ing which accords with their relations among themselves, though the supposed origins be not true.
Our knowledge now becomes more definite. Connaught is recog- nised as comprising three divisions, without very distinct boundaries, and under three ruling families, whose history can be traced for three hundred years, and even to this day if they have been transformed into Milesians as I suppose.
Fidach, son of Fiach, was King of the Fir Craibe, whose kingdom was South Connavight from Limerick, that is from the mouth of the Shannon, to the Palace of Fidach. O'Flaherty mentions the " Palace of Fidach," Keating only " Fidach," as the boundary. The place is not known, but as it was a boundary between the Fir Craibe and the Tuatha Taiden, we shall not be far wrong if we take it to have been a place near the northern and eastern border of Aidhne.
Eochaidh Allat was King of the Gamanry, over the kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, comprising Clann "L'moir tribes north of Aidhne, in the kingdom of the Hy Briuin Seola, and the lands afterwards of the Conmaicne in the county of Galway, all the counties of Mayo and Sligo, with the lands of the Gregry and Calry in the counties of Roscommon and Leitrim, according to the bounds given, from the River of Galway to the rivers Duff and Drowse. But we must believe that most of the minor clans gave but slight allegiance to the Gamanry in the period now opening, as so great a kingdom would have always predominated in Connaught if its tribes had acted together. The bounds are likely to have been handed down by very ancient tradition, and I should take it to have been really the county of Mayo and the countries of the Calry at this time.
Tinni, son of Curaidh, was King of the Tuatha Taiden, whose kingdom comprised the Plain of Sanb, not identified, and the lands of the Tuatha Taiden, from the Palace of Fidach towards Tara. It seems to represent what was afterwards the great kingdom of Hy Many in its largest extent, and may have included the country after- wards called the Three Tuatha and most of Magh Ai.
The Fir Craibe are the chief family of the Clann Umoir, who occupied nearly all their kingdom and part of that of Irrusdomnonn. From this family came Brian, ancestor of the Hy Briuin of Ai, who
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 7
has been given a false pedigree, and the Conmaicne and Ciariaige tribes of Connanght, except the Conmaicne of Moyrein and Annaly, who were not in Connaiight as known in early times.
The Gamanry and the Clan Morna branch I believe to be the ancestors of the northern Hy Fiachrach, whose Fiachra ancestor has been wrongly identified with the Fiachra ancestor of the Hy Fiachrach Aidhne, who have been made descendants of his grandson, Eochaidh Breac. The Hy Fiachrach Aidhne seem to be of the Clann Umoir race from which Brian sprang. In O'Conors, O'Dowdas, O'Kellys, and O'Heynes, we may recognise these ancient families.
Fir Craibe, Gamanry, and Tnatha Taiden are called Olnegmacht, whence the early name of the province of Connaught.
The detailed reasons for these views will be found in the Appendix, and an explanation of the manner in which the royal families changed their tribal names, and developed fresh teiritorial groups, is set out in an article in the Journal of the Gahcaij ArclKeoloijical and Historical Society, vol. iv. p. 99.
Some probably historical facts relating to Mayo in this period may be gleaned from legends and references in the poems recounting the exploits of the Red Branch Heroes and the great wars between Ulster and Connaught. The wars seem to be historical, and the principal persons may be taken to have existed, though there is great doubt regarding their relations with each other,
Eochaidh Feidhlech and his brother, Eochaidh Airemh,who succeeded him as King of Ireland according to the poets and annalists, seem to have been kings of Meath and Teffa, a branch of the Domnonians of Connaught which sank about this time, but revived under Tuathal Techtmar.
Eochaidh Allat, King of the Gamanry, was King of Connaught at this period, and is reputed to have built Rathcroghan, which was called from him Rath Eochaidh. This must refer to the great Rath of Croghan, as the place seems to have been for many ages held by the Domnonian kings of Connaught, as the earliest Milesians and some of the Danonians are said to have been buried in the Releg of Croghan. 1
Tinni, son of Curaidh, King of the Tuatha Taiden, killed Jujchaidli Allat, and became King of Connaught.
Eochaidh Allat Avas succeeded by Ailill Finn as King of the Gamanry — that is, of Irrusdomnonn. Their relationship does not appear. Ailill is said to have married Flidais, daughter of Ailill Dubh, son of Fidach, son of Fiach. Ailill's ance.stry is uncertain,
1 The name of Cruachan seems to be drawn from the high mound which formed a kind of citadel within the great rath, the Little Peak or Kick. From such a citadel Cruachan came to be used as a name for a king's fort (//. U.S.A. I., xxxi. p. ;J5).
8 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
except that his mother was Magu of Murrisk. Her pedigree is equally unknown. She is stated to have married Ailill, son of Cairbre Fir da Lochji and Cairbre Cennderg.^ Her seven sons were men of note, namely, Ailill Finn, Get, Anluan, Mogcorb, Toca, Scandal, Anfind, Fergal. There is much confusion in pedigrees from identity of names. Magu may have been the name of many other women. Her daughter, or the daughter of a Magu, by name Mata, was mother of Cairbre Niafer and of Finn File and of Ailill, King of Leinster, who has been confused with Ailill, the husband of Queen Meave. Fergal is said to have married a daughter of Eochaidh Feidhlech.
Tinni married the celebrated Meave, Medb, daughter of Eochaidh Feidhlech, who after his death married Ailill Moi", King of the Tuatha Taiden, who succeeded Tinni as King of Connaught. In their time occurred the Tain Bo Cuailgne. Several Ailill Mors of this peinod have been confused.
Fergus MacRoigh, having been driven out of Ulster, was received by Ailill and Meave, and played a principal part on behalf of Con- naught in the War of the Tain. He comes into Mayo history only if the Tale of the Tain Bo Flidais be based on fact, according to which Fergus started from Croghan to attack Ailill Finn's dun, which was in the country of Cairbre in the north of the Ciarraige, and was reached immediately after passing over Ath Feni. The situa- tion answers to that of Ailech Mor at Castlemore Costello. Fergus killed Ailill and his sons, and carried off Flidais and her cattle.
Though Ailill of the Gamanry was in that dun, it does not follow that it was the heritable property of the Gamanry clan. He may have occupied it only as King of Ii-rusdomnonn.
Ferdiad was a warrior of distinction, second only to Cuchulain, who was his greatest friend since the days when they were together in Scathach's military school in Scotland. Meave induces him, niuch against his will, to engage in duel with Cuchulain, who is defending the ford. Cuchulain kills him after a long fight, and the ford is called after him Ath Firdiad, Ardee to-day. He is called MacDaire MacDaman, chief of the clan Dega, a branch of the Gamanry. In Mr. O'Grady's "History of Ireland in the Heroic Period," he is said to have lived at Moytura, described as the seat of the kings of Irrus- domnonn, " where they held their games and solemn assemblies and interred their kings." If Mr. O'Grady has found this distinctly stated in a legend, it follows that some of the Gamanry were settled in the country afterwards occupied by Conmaicne, and the fair of Ballin- challa may have originated in those games.
The Clann Umoir appear in these legends in a curious way. The
^ O'Flaherty, " Ogygia," p. 269.
' " Death of Sons of Usnech," Irische Texte, 2nd series, Pt. H.
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 9
story handed down thus is that they are Firbolg who went to the Western Isles of Scotland after the first battle of Moytura, and about this time returned to Ireland and were allowed by Cairbre Niafer to settle in the best parts of Breg upon agreements to pay rent, Conall Cearnach and Cuchulain of Ulster, Cet MacMagach of Con- naught, and Curoi MacDare of Munster or Leinster being their sureties. They throw up their tenancies, and are allowed by Queen jSIeave to settle in Connaught, where they built the great drystone forts. Their sureties, being called upon by Caii-bre, attack them and kill each a chieftain. This seems to point to a real event, that befoi'e Caii-bre Niafer's time the Clann Umoir — that is, the race of Fiach or Fir Craibe — had been for a time dominant in Breg and had settled some families there, who in his time were driven out or subdued, as I have suggested more fully in Appendix I. These stories evidently were invented after the growth of the Milesian legend to explain the presence of MacUmoirs in Breg and in Westmeath. The attack on them is useless, as it leaves matters as they were. But the stories show their presence along the western seaboard of Connaught at tliis very early period.
A Medon of this clan is supposed to have given his name to Inish- maiue, and I suppose to Mag Medoin, or the country about Inish- maine and Kilmaine.
At the death of Ailill Mor a war of succession ensued. His son Maine Aithremal, supported by the people of Croghan, the Tuatha Taiden, the Fir Craibe, and others, defeated Sanb, son of Cet Mac Magach, supported by the descendants of Magach, the Clann Umoir, and others. The Fir Craibe were of the Clann Umoir, but I take them to be a tribe of that race which had developed into a group of clans like the Silmurray, and that a number of the old clans retaining the old tribe name supported Sanb. We know that in later times Clann Umoir occupied much of Sanb's kingdom of Irrusdomnonn. Maine reigned for thirty-four years.
Sanb succeeded him as King of Connaught. For these events in Connaught, O'Flaherty's " Ogygia " is my chief authority, considered with extant legends and tales, and modified in accordance with my own interpretation.
The events known as the Attacottic Revolutions fell out in the period between the death of Meave and the accession of Tuathal in A.D. 130. In my opinion, much of the confusion and obscurity of the accounts of these events is due to the attempts of the Irish histoi'ians to reconcile Eremonian genealogy and legend with facts which they could not ignore, that Firbolg kings reigned at this period in countries which Eremonians should have held. Tuathal Techtmaremerges as king of a new and (?reat kincrdom of Meath, and historv becomes less obscure.
10 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The Attacots of Irish history are not the Attacots of Roman history. Attacotti seems to represent the Irish words Aitec tuata, which O'Curry translates, " rent-paying tribes." I prefer " tributary tribes," as O'Curry's explanation does not restrict the meaning to rent in our sense of the term. The Roman Attacotti seem to have been Celtic clans dwelling south of the wall of Antoninus, who submitted to the Roman Empire, and in the period of its weakness in the fourth cen- tury made raids on the Empire in company with the Picts, who were the Gael or Cruithne of Alba living north of the wall, and the Scots, who were ruling families of the Irish. Aitec tuata distinguished them from the free tribes of the same race to north of the wall.
The Irish Avi'iters called all clans not descended from Breogan by this name, and applied it to members of the Clanna Breogain who had lost rank in various ways. According to this classification all the Domnonian kings were Attacots, and so were all the provincial kings during the revolutionary period except the kings of TJLster.
Cairbre Cinnchait, who was made King of Ireland on the first occa- sion, seems to be Cairbre, son of Maine, King of the Tuatha Taiden.
On the second occasion, Sanb, King of Connaught, is said to have taken part in setting up Elim, King of Ulster, as King of Ireland.
Tuathal Techtmar now appears, alleged to have taken refuge with his grandfather, the King of Alba, and to have landed in Irrusdomnonn with a large force from Alba. Fiachaidh Caisinn, who had been levying war against Elim, joined him. This Fiachaidh is called a Son of Donn Desach— that is, an O'Conmaic. They killed Elim near Tara, and afterwards killed Sanb at Duma Selca in Mag Ai, when Sanb was in extreme old age. Eochy, son of Cairbre, was made King of Connaught in his place. Eochy is the last of the Tuatha Taiden, or Hy Maine race, who is recognised as King of Connaught. Tuathal is said to have fought battles in Ceara and Umall and Cruachan Aigle, among 133 battles fought all over Ireland in subdu- ing Attacots.
He seems to have revived the power of the Domnonian or Firbolg clans of Meath. Those clans I suspect to have been those called Delbhna and Luighne and Cianachta, or cognate tribes. Unless all known facts of Irish history are disregarded, he must have been head of a grovip of clans. I take him to have been the representative of the Danonian kings, the head of the Tuatha De Danann branch of the Domnonian or Firbolg race in Meath. He died about the year A.D. 160.
He is said to have transplanted Attacottic tribes abovit Ireland. This also is not easy to believe. The Book of Ballymote and Duald MacFirbis give lists of foity-six Fiee Tribes who were extinguished by the Rent-paying Tribes, and of forty-seven Rent-paying Tribes,
Tllb: EARLIEST LE(rEXDS. 11
and the positions occupied hy the latter, whereof I give so much as concerns Irrusdomnonn and the adjoining countries, from O'Sullivan's Introduction to O'Curry's " Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish," I. p. xxvii.
"The Rent-paying Tribes were distributed througliout all Eriu, and the bondage rule of the lords of Eriu was established over them after they had distributed them, uf est hie. . . .
"Tuath Sen Cheneoil in Northern Ui Maine. The Tuath Conco- barni and of the Sons of Timor upon Ui Briuin, and around Loch Cimi^, and in Cluain Fuiche. Tuath Resen upon the Conmaicni, from Ath Mogho to the sea. The Tuath Mic Umor in Umall. Tuath Fer ]3omnann in the country of Oeara and in Ui Amalgad, and in Ui Fiachrach North, from the Rodb to the Congnaig in Carpri of J)rom- cliabh. Tuath Cruithnech in ^Magh Aei, and Magh Lurg, from Loch Ce to Brogail, and to the Shannon.
*' Tuath Crecraighe in Luighni of Connacht and around Loch Techad, and about Corann and about Bernas of Tir Oililla, as far as Magh Turedh."
Tuath Resen appear in another part of the list as Tuath Resent Umoir.
The allegation that conqueied tribes were moved shows us that Cromwell's policy of transplantation into Connaught was an attempt to govern Ireland according to Irish ideas, though he did not adopt the policy for popularity's sake, and does not appear to have absorbed other Ii"ish ideas of government.
After Sanb the kings of Irrusdomnonn disappear from the list of kings of Connaught until Aid, son of Garad, who is the last recognised Domnonian king.
After the death of Eochy, son of Cairbre, five generations of kings of Connaught of the Fir Craibe race are recognised.
Irrusdomnonn and Mayo drop out of sight for a time.
Conn Cedcathach set up Crimthann Culbuide as King of Leinster. Cumall deposed him. Conn called in Conall Cruachna (K.C.), and Aedh MacMorna, the chief of the Gamanry. They defeated Cumall and his Munster allies in the battle of Cnucha, where Aedh killed Cumall, but lost an eye, whence he was called Goll.
Eogan Mor, alias Mogh Nuadhat, and his father, Mogh Neid, King of Munster, attacked Conn, who was joined by the same allies. In a battle in Magh Siuil, in Northern Eile, Goll killed Mogh Neid. They followed Eogan to Carnbuide, supposed to be near Cork, where Eogan was defeated again by Goll and Conall, whom he tried to surprise in camp. Eogan fled to Spain, and ^Lunster was divided between two kings, Conaire and MacNiadli.
After nine years Eogan came again with l!0()0 Spaniards. The
12 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
kiugs of Munster submitted to him. The King of Leinstei' joined them. The two kings of Ulster attacked Conn, who abandoned Tara and joined his allies in Connaught. Eogan came by Athlone into Magh Ai. Conn and his allies encamped at the Mound of the Well of Tulsk, opposite to Eogan. Conn there made peace by accepting Eogan's terms, that he should have half of Ireland. Thus originated the division of Ireland into Leath Cuinn and Leath Mogha.
Eogan's Spaniards wanted to go home. Eogan feared that without them he could not make head against Conn, so picked a quarrel by making extortionate demands, denounced the peace, and assembled his forces at Magh Leana, round Tullamore in King's County. Eochy Muinderg, King of Ulster, attacked Tara. Conn returned from Con- naught with Conall Cruachna's sons, Eochy Whiteknee and Fiachaidh Whitehand, sons of Crimhthann Oulbuide, King of Aichill and Umall, and of Gairech, daughter of Criomall, and other allies, and saved Tara by defeating and killing Eochy. Thence they marched to Magh Leana. Eogan's force was so much the larger that Conn asked for terms and offered to surrender Ulster and keep only Connaught and Telfa and the profits of Tara.
Lest it should seem like suing for peace, he made the offer not by poets but by the two sons of Crimhthann, King of Umall. Eogan asked them if they came as hostages. They said no, and that they did not believe that Conn meant the terms to be accepted. Thereupon Eogan hanged them.
Conn heard of this in the evening and prepared a night attack, as his forces were small. Goll MacMorna refused to join, as he was under vow never to make a night slaughter or attack, but promised to help Conn if Eogan pressed him.
At dawn Conn surprised Fraoch's camp and killed him before he could put on his armour. Fraoch was Eogan's brother-in-law and leader of the Spaniards. Eogan made a furious attack on Conn. Goll, supported by his thirty brothers, came forward and covered Conn. Eogan wounded Conall Cruachna so that Conall died within a year. Conn and Eogan wounded each other. Other kings rushed in upon Eogan, who was fighting with Goll, and raised him aloft on their spears. Then his army fled. Conn could not pursue. His losses were said to have been greater than Eogan's.
The sovereignty of Munster was again divided between Conaire and MacNiadh, and Conn was for twenty years undisputed King of Ireland. He is allowed a reign of thirty-four years, ending about A.D. 157 or 212, according to different computations; the latter is probably the more accurate. This important battle may be dated abovit A.D. 190.
In all these events we find Conn, and afterwards we find his descen-
THE EARLIEST LEGENDS. 13
dants, relying on Connaught to support their pretensions to he kings of Ireland. Here Conn has the support of his foster-father, Conall of the race of Fiach, who is recognised as the King of Connaught.
But Aedh or Goll Mac^Morna is the greater figure in the legends. At this time appear the Fianna, who are said to have been three organised bodies in Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. 'No such body is ascribed to Ulster. The descriptions show that they were organised bodies of soldiers, and it is supposed that they were an imitation of the Roman Legion. But they existed, by the name of Fianna, for only a short time.
The Connaught Fianna were called the Gamanry, and wei-e com- manded by Goll MacMorna. Also they were called Clann Morna, but these terms apply only to their commanders. As the only Connaught force is under the kings of Irrusdomnonn, we should expect that the sovereignty of Connaught would be held by those kings during the period in which they made much show in legend. So also in Leinster their commanders, Cumall and Finn, were not kings of Leinster. It seems stranger still that there were no Fianna of Meath. The ex- planation which commends itself to me is that they were bodies of Gallowglasses such as appeared in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies, but then under command of adventurers who were not inhabitants of the province, Free Companies who sold their services to any one who could raise their wages. I take the Fianna to have been similarly drilled and trained as professional soldiers under permanent commanders, but raised by each chieftain out of his own people. All maintained them in some form or other — at least the great chieftains would do so — but some made more show than others, and have survived in legend because of the distinction of their com- manders and the events in which they were concerned.
In the third century the King of Corann or Gailenga or Luighne appears. King Cormac MacArt was closely connected with Corann, so that he bore the name of Cormac of Corann. He is said to have been born there and to have been brought up by his stepfather. The persons now mentioned in connection with this country are supposed to be closely related as follows : —
Feliiu Eechtiuar.
^1 I
Conn. Fiacha Sui^hde.
I I
Alt. Fiacha Kaidhe.
Cormac. Fothad.
Luia:lini Fiitri.
14 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Thus O'Flaherty gives the descent of Luighni Fh*tri, " Ogygia," p. 333. According to another account, Luighni was son of Dermot. There is another connection between those families and the Clann Cein in the person of Trea, who was mother of Cormac MacArt and married Luighni, called from her Firtri, after the death of Art. Conn. Cian.
1 I
I I I
Art = Trea = Luighni Firtri. Tadhsr.
I i I ^
Cormac (K.L). Cormac Gaileng.
Nia Mor (K.C.). Lngad (K.C.).
From Luighni Firtri the Corco Firtri of Corann, from Cormac Gaileng the O'Garas and O'Haras, are made to descend. From Cian also the Gailenga and Luighne of Meath and the Cianachta of Meath and Ulster are supposed to descend. We may believe that Luighni Firtri and his sons and Cormac Gaileng did exist about this period, and that they helped and were helped by Cormac MacArt. The Gregry, who occupied all this territory and all or part of Tirerrill in Tuathal Techtmar's time, and who appear again in St. Patrick's time, seem to have been now eclipsed by the Corcofirtri. But I think that no credit need be given to the alleged descent of the Corcofirtri from Felim Rechtmar, or to that of Clann Cein from OilioU Olum.
Cormac attacked Aid, who was King of Connaught, and put up Xia Mor in his place. Aid killed Nia Mor, whereupon King Cormac came again and killed Aid, making Xia Mor's brother Lugad King of Connaught. This Aid is the last King of Connaught of the race of Fiach mentioned by O'Flaherty.
Cormac MacArt's son, Cairbre Liffeachair, King of Ireland, quarrelled with the Fianna of Leiuster under Finn MacCumal, who defeated him. After Finn's death they took service with Moghcorb, King of Munster, and gave battle to Cairbre and the Clann Morna at Gabhra in a.d. 284. The victory was with Cairbre, though he was killed. The Fianna on both sides were almost exterminated, and were not formed again. Aid, son of Garad Glunduff, King of Connaught, commanded the Clann Morna. Aid followed Moghcorb and killed him in the battle of Spaltrach in Muskerry. Aid is suc- ceeded by Condeus (a Latinised name) of the Corcofirtri. Thus the Olnegmacht kings of Connaught disappear from history, and their place is taken by the Milesians. Cian, son of Garad, King of the Sencheneoil, is mentioned in the legend of the Hy Maine. He seems to have been king of the old kingdom of the Tuatha Taiden. But we have no further indications regarding him. Thus closes what I may call the Olnegmacht or Firbolg period of Connaught's history.
CHAPTER II.
THE EAPtLY MILESIAN PERIOD.
OoNMAUGiiT history is broken in the middle of the fourth century. Muredach Tirech, of the Eremonian race of Meath, appears as King of Connaught after Condeus of the Oorcofirtri, and is succeeded by his son, Eochaidh Muighmhedhoin. Both are recognised as kings of Meath and of Ireland. Neither seems to have had any local con- nection with Connaught, except that the latter is called "of Mag Medhoin," which may be the country about Kilmaine. In their times the ancient kingdoms of the Fir Craibe and of the Gamanry disappear from view. On Eochy's death his son Brian Orbsen is King of Connaught, and his son Fiachra is king of the territories of the Fir Craibe and of the Ferdomnonn.
Fiachra transfers the Fir Craibe kingdom, except Aidhne, to Munster, as an eric for the murder of Crimhthann Mor by his sister, mother of Brian, Fiachra, and Ailill ; or in his time Conall Echluath conquered it, unless Conall's father, Lughaidh Menn, had done so already. These transactions and the transformations of Connaught clans are discussed in the Journal of the R. S. A. I., vol. xxx. I am inclined to think that the kingdom of Fir Craibe did not include more of the county of Clare than the eastern part along the Shannon occupied by Clann Umoir tribes in the Attacottic list, and that the conquest was no more than the establishment of supremacy of the king of the Ua Cathbharr and Ua Corra tribes over them. It is quite likely that O'Flaherty's and Keating's extents of the Fir Craibe kingdom are based on the same authority, and that the Fir Craibe territory did not really extend south' of Aidhne, that the error is due to the identification of Fiachra of Magh Tail with the Fiachra of the north.
In Ulster a like state arises. Muredach Tirech became King of Ireland by driving out Colla Uais and his brothers, who retire to Scotland. After three years they return and are well received by Muredach, who advises them to conquer for themselves a settlement in Ulster. With his help, and that of a large force from Connaught, they destroy Emain Macha and settle themselves in Ulster about A.D. 331, and develop into the tribes of the Oirghialla.
16 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
If these changes are taken to have occurred, we must admit that conditions existed in Ireland in the fourth century which have no parallel before or after. As far as we can judge from the legends of earlier and from the historical records of later centuries, the political conditions of Ireland were the same from the time of Queen Meave to the twelfth century. Christianity only softened manners and got rid of some savage customs.
No one could be king of a province, or of a main division thereof, without the support of a large group of families closely related to each other, and forming the foundation of their chief's power over other tribes. The descendants of kings spread over the land, indeed, but by very slow degrees, encroaching on less powerful clans.
Ulster suffers soon another conquest. After the death of Niall of Nine Hostages, his son Laegaire is King of Meath and King of Ireland in succession to Dathi, but his sons Eogan and Conall Gulban are settled in North Ulster, where they leave dominant clans. That the Oirghialla clans of the north would have submitted quietly is incredible, and Meath could not have imposed them violently on that distant part of Ulster. After the fifth century, when the High Kings were of Meath and Connaught alternately, the Hy Neill of Ulster provided almost all the High Kings for 150 years. If Niall of Nine Hostages is the Niall who was buried at Ochaine, it follows as almost a certainty that he was a King of Ulster, and was not son of a King of Meath and Connaught.
In Munster a somewhat similar condition is found, where the King of Munster is generally of the Eoghanacht and only occasionally of the Dalcais race.
In Connaught the chief kings come from Hy Briuin and Hy Fiachrach, north and south, vintil the former establish a supre- macy.
In no case is there satisfactory evidence of the alleged origin of the rival families. In that of Ulster we should infer from analogy that Eogan sprang from the Oirghialla, the tribe of Ulster which had grown strong enough to drive the Dal Araidhe from Emain. In that of Munster we should infer that Lugaid Menn and Conall Echluath were kings of the ancient Ua Cathbharr and Ua Corra tribes who occupied nearly all Thomond.
The confusion of this and of earlier periods seems to have arisen when the Milesian genealogy was framed some hundreds of years later. The spread of Christianity over all Ireland during the fifth century must have made the vise of letters general. To bring great families together whose real origin had been lost for ages, the genea- logists had to go back to times before written record, when they could nail a branch on a convenient place in the tree. Thus, I take it, they
THE EARLY MILESIAN rElUOD. 17
brought the principal kings of Meath and Ulster and Connaught together in the person of Eochy Moyvane in the fourth century.
It has been so long accepted, and, subject to these considerations, so well expresses the relationships of the tribes of each province towards each other, that it must be used for the historical period.
The case of Connaught has to be set out as we find it at the close of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century, when a fairly accurate history begins.
As the Fir Craibe kings had for several generations eclipsed the Gamanry and Tuatha Taiden kings in the sovereignty of Connaught, so now the kings of Irrusdomnonn, afterwai^ds called the kings of the Hy Fiachrach, predominate in Connaught, holding the sovereignty of Ireland alternately with the kings of Meath, and sharing that of Connaught with the Hy Briuin during the fifth century. During the first half of the sixth century, when they no longer attain to the sovereignty of Ireland, they keep the sovereignty of Connaught in the line of Ailill Molt. After that time their power declines quickly.
At this time their power seems to have been based upon their immediate possessions of great extent, which were in my opinion the countries of Carra and Tirawley and Erris, inhabited by Ferdomnonn clans, whose names do not appear, save that of the Corcu Temne in the north of Carra, and a clan of Calry about Magh Eleog, now repre- sented by Moylaw in Crossmolina parish, and the mass of Calry who occupied Coolcarney in Mayo and all Tireragh and Carbury in Sligo, and the baronies of Rossclogher and Dromahaire in Leitrim, and the country of Moylurg in Roscommon, and a part of Corran.
The power of Fiachra, Dathi, Ailill Molt, and their immediate successors seems to have been based upon the support of the Calry, as the royal tribe which had grown up during their period of obscurity. As the O'Conors left the Silmurray and began to settle in other parts of the country, so I suppose these kings, while resting on the great mass of their own tribe, moved into Carra and Tirawley and began to settle their relations upon the older clans in those regions. Their loss of power after the middle of the sixth century may be due to various causes. The tribes forming the foundation of their power were very much scattered. The rising power of the Hy Neill of Ulster at this time enabled them to impose themselves upon Carbury, Avhile the tribe from which O'Rourks and O'Reillys came imposed itself upon the Calry of the County Leitrim. They dropped a clan in Corran, whose position I cannot ascertain. The Calry of Moylurg were of some importance, as they are recorded to have been fighting in 751 and 811 (A.U.) with the Hy Briuin of Ai, who eventually suppressed them.
The C«regry are still a great race. The Cailenga and Luighne
15
18 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
have not yet come into sight as tribes. The Gailenga and the Hy Ailello are mentioned in the Annals of Ulster for the first time in the note of the battle of Lorg in 742. But the Hy Ailello appear from Tirechan's notes to have borne that name in St. Patrick's time. The Luighne first appear in 770 (A.U.) in a note of the death of a chieftain. The Hy Ailello disappear after 791 (A. U.), when they are defeated by the Ui Briiiin. Their previous appearances are fights with Gailenga, Gregry, Luighne, in 752, 788, 789 (A.U.). The name Gailenga seems to have been the most general name, denoting that they belonged to the Fir Gaileoin race. This eventually adhered rather to the Muinter Gadhra division. Gregraige denotes a clan descended from Greg or Grec, which held supremacy. Corcofirtri is another section, Luighne yet another, which was used to denote the whole kingdom when the O'Haras gained ascendency. As we know that the Gregry once extended over Tirerrill, and as we find the Hy Ailello there at this time, and cannot regard their alleged descent from a son of Eochy Moyvane as deserving credit, it is, I think, safe to take them to have been a section of the Gregry. At some time a split occurred in the tribe of the Gregry, which divided itself into two independent kingdoms of Gregry and Luighne, whom we find in the Book of Rights paying tribute in the proportion of two to five. If we take the kingdom of the Gregry to have comprised the baronies of Coolavin and Tirerrill or thereabouts, and that of the Luighne to have comprised the rest of the territory, the tributes ai'e fairly apportioned.
Umall was the baronies of Murrisk and Burrishoole or thereabouts, inhabited by Clann Umoir families, from whom came Clann Maille, whose alleged descent from Brian Orbsen is contradicted by the Book of Rights. With such a descent the King of Umall would not have paid tribute. His full title was once " King of Aicill and Umall," i.e. of Highland and Lowland.^
The Partraige were of the Clann Umoir. According to O'Flaherty they were in three divisions : —
L Of Odba Ceara, who in historical times are known only in the parish of Bally ovey, Baile Odhbha. They may have been in those of Ballintubber and Ballyheane in St. Patrick's time.
2. Of the Mountain, from Croaghpatrick to Lough Corrib. Here I think O'Flaherty took Aicill to be only Croaghpatrick, or the country immediately round it. From Aicill to Lough Coi-rib would be the barony of Ross.
3. Of the Lake. Cong was in their country.
Thus they occupied country possessed first by Tuath Resent Umoir and afterwards by Conmaicne, but shrank much from their early importance. The Book of Rights puts their king on an equality with 1 " Battle of Magh Leaoa,'' p. 87.
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 19
the kings of Silmurray, Hy Briiiin, and the Hy Fiachrachs, as he receives a stipend but pays no tribute.
Next comes a group of three tribes, the Conmaicne, the Ciarraige, and the Corcamoga, the original Connachta, who have given their name to the province. These I take to have sprung from the Fir Craibe kings of Connaught, and the Conmaicne to be more especially the tribe over which Brian Orbsen and his immediate successors presided until the growth of the Silmurray afforded a fresh base of power.
The barony of Clanmorris, excepting the parish of Balla, which was in Carra, cannot be ascribed to any of the early tribes. The descendants of Nechtan and Enna, sons of Brian Orbsen, were settled here. This country appears very late in legend and history, and then only as Tir Nechtain and Tir Enna. From jNlacFirbis's Great Book of Genealogies we learn that Tir Nechtain took its name from Brian's son Nechtan, and that the Cinel Enna came from Enna.
The Conmaicne were in three divisions : —
1. Conmaicne of Cuil Tolad, in the barony of Kilmaine, south of the Robe, and in the barony of Ross.
2. Conmaicne Mara, in the barony of Ballynahinch.
3. Conmaicne of Dunmore, or Cinel Dubain, in the barony of Dunmore and part of Ballymoe, and at least the parish of Belclare.
The Corcamogha made no show in history. In late days they were in the parishes of Clonbern and Kilkerrin. Their alleged descent from Fergus MacRoigh places them among the Connachta. I am now of opinion that they are the Corca of the Woods, that they are the Sencheneoil, and that they come from the Tviatha Taiden. The Ciarraige were in four divisions : —
1. Ciarraige Ai or of Magh Ai, in the barony of Castlereagh except the parish of Ballintubber.
2. Ciarraige of Artech, which was the parishes of Kilnamanagh and Tibohine in Roscommon, and those of Kilcolman and Castlemore in Roscommon and Mayo.
3. Ciarraige of Loch na nAirneadh, Maiinin Lake, or Ciarraige lochtar, in the eastern and southern part of the parish of Aghamore, and in Bekan and Annagh.
4. Ciarraige TJachtar, in the rest of Aghamore, and in Knock. The county of Mayo therefore consisted of fragments of kingdoms
and tribes, whereof the Hy Fiachrach were the principal. The events affecting it are mainly those in connection with their kings, and are generally connected with the quarrels between them and the Hy Briuin kings.
Tlie Hy Briuin, as already observed, were immediate kings of the Connachta, but whore they lived when not in [)Ower in Croghan does
20 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
not appear. If they did not live among the Conmaicne, and if Brian was in truth an ancestor of the O'Flaherties, which is by no means certain, the barony of Clare may have been their usual abode.
This view has in its favour the Book of Rights, which mentions the Hy Briuin among the royal tribes as distinct from the SilmuiTay, and suggests that the general name clung to them when Silmurray grew up.
The Three Tuaths, Hy Briuin na Sinna, Corcachland, and Oinel Dobhtha, claimed descent from Ere Derg, son of Brian. But the Book of Armagh and the Tripartite Life make it clear that they came from Ere, son of Bron, of the Corca Chonluain. Descendants of the Ere from whom they came seem to be the Maicne Ere, sons of Heric, who were in Moylurg in St. Patrick's time. These appear to be the Hy Broin, who were distinguished from Hy Briuin by Tirechan, who calls them [Filii] Briuin and Filii Broin. Though they do not descend from Brian, it is not unlikely that the Corca Chonluain had a common ancestor with the Conmaicne, and so being of the royal race, were not under tribute, being included in the direct dominions of the King of Silmurray, as the Calry are omitted because immediately under the Hy Fiachrach kings, as I suppose. Beyond this we know not who were in possession of the rest of Magh Ai and of the Three Tuaths.
Next south of Magh Ai came the Delbhna of Sid Nenta, or Delbhna Nuadat, who occupied the country southwards from Fairy- mount to Maghfinn between the Suck and the Shannon.
Delbhna Tire Da Loch occupied the barony of Moycullen, and Delbhna Guile Fabhair the country adjoining them and to the east of Galway. It is not now possible to say which of these groups was meant in the Book of Rights, probably the Roscommon group. The latter are likely to have been treated as in Hy Briuin territory.
The Delbhna ISTuadhat and the Corcamogha are included within the traditional bounds of the kingdom of Hy Many, which, like those of the- kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, seem to have been handed down from a very early time. Though the Delbhna and the Corca are placed separately under tribute to the King of Connaught, they may have been politically bound to the King of Hy Many.
Taking the Corca, as suggested above, to be representatives of the Tuatha Taiden and of the Sencheneoil, and taking into considera- tion the heavy tribvite assessed on them in the Book of Rights, I suppose them to have occupied the Corcamogha and Sodhan territories of later times, and a good deal more, the northei'n part of the kingdom of Hy Many, and I take O'Mainnin, King of Sodan, to be their representative.
The Hy Many occupied lands in the southern part of their kingdom
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 21
at this time, but details are not cleai'. They certainly settled clans in Moenmagh at a very early date in the fifth or sixth centuries. Gaela, which O'Donovan considered to be near Longhreagh, was their chief dwelling. They settled themselves in the old Cathry territory.
In the Book of Rights their tribute is least of all, but the stipend is like that of other kings. The small tribute may be due to their being so powerful that they could not be made to pay more than a trifle when they lost the position of a tribe which might aspire to provide a King of Connaught.
Aidhne was the country between the lly IMany or Cathry and the sea as far north as the neighbourhood of Athenry. The inhabitants Avere Clann Umoir tribes at this time, even if Eoghan Aidhne was not of that race, tacked on to Eochaidh Breac, son of Dathi. These Hy Fiachrach kings were powerful, and in the sixth and seventh centuries were often kings of Connaught.
The historical kingdom of Brefne had not yet come into exist- ence. It was included in the kingdom of Meath, except the Calry of Dromahaire and Dartry or Rossclogher. When the ancestors of the O'Rourks and O'Reillys formed it with the help of the Con- maicne, they attached themselves to Connaught, and eventually were strong enough to make four O'Rourk kings of Connaught in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The alleged descents of Hy Briuin of Brefne and Conmaicne from Brian Orbsen and from Conmaicne of Dunmoi-e must be regarded as fictitious.
These are approximately the conditions of Connaught kingdoms about the year a.d. 400, from which grew slowly those which will be found in the year a.d. 1200.
As all Irish history turns on tribal relations, and so many tribes are mentioned in connection with events in which Mayo men were concerned, I give tables of descents according to Milesian Genealogies, and tables of the relations of early tribes according to my own views, and lists of the Domnonian and Milesian kings of Connaught. The O'Conor and O'Dowda families are given in detail because they were much mixed in warfai-e, and because the latter is the principal family of Mayo, which had a measure of real independence.
Dr. J. O'Donovan, who translated and edited the Book of Rights, held it to have been composed in the time of Cormac Mac Cuileannain, King of Cashel from 901 to 908, and to have been probably revised in the time of Brian Boro, but to have been based on a record drawn up by St. Benen in the fifth century. It is of interest as showing what a ninth or tenth century historian, working from the King of Munster's point of view, ascertained to be the rights and obligations of the kings of Ireland and of the provinces, and of the kings of tribes
22 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
under the provincial kings. The following lists give the tributes and stipends of the Connaught kings, taken from the poetry, which is considered to be older than the prose portion. Poetry and prose go over the same ground, but vary slightly.
Tributes payable to the King of Connaught by the Kings of Tribes.
|
Cows. |
Oxen. |
Hogs. |
Cloaks. |
Iron Sheep.; |
||
|
1. Umall . 2. Greagraidhe . 3. Conmaicne 4. Ciarraidhe 5. Luighne . (;. Corca of the "Wood 7. Dealbbna 8. Ui Maine |
100 100 200 100 350 140 150 1140 |
100 100 150 350 |
100 60 80 60 150 350 150 80 |
100 60 240 60 150 150 80 |
... 1 Cloaks or mantles 1 ... j Red cloaks 350 ' '.'.'. ... |
|
|
700 |
1030 |
10.30 |
350 |
In connection with the tiibute of iron sheep, note that O'Kelly's iron was with the Hy Tuathaigh of Aughrim and with the Hy Baedain of Badhna,i and that Aughrim is in the country where I would place Sencheneoil or Corca of the Wood.
The stipends payable to these kings, and to the kings of royal tribes who paid no tribute, were as follows : —
1. Sil Muireadhaigh : a ring, a dress, a steed, a shield, a sword, a coat of mail.
2. Umhall : 5 steeds, 5 swords, 5 ships, 5 coats of mail.
3. Dealbhna : 6 swords, 6 shields, 6 steeds, 6 tunics with gold, 6 drinking-horns.
4. Greagraidhe : 6 weapons, 6 tunics, 6 bondsmen, 6 bondswomen, 6 coats of mail.
5. Conmaicne: 10 drinking-horns, 10 steeds, 2 rings, 2 chessboards.
6. Ui Maine : 7 cloaks, 7 horses, 7 hounds, 7 deep-red tunics.
7. Luighne: 10 steeds, 10 cloaks, 10 drinking-horns, 10 white hounds.
8. Ui Briuin : 5 steeds, 5 matals, 5 swords, 10 drinking-horns, 10 bondsmen, 10 chessboards.
9. Corca of the Wood : .5 war-horses, b matals, 5 swords, 5 coats of mail.
10. Partraidhe : 3 drinking-horns, 3 swords, 3 tunics, 3 steeds.
1 H.M., p. 91.
THE EARLY MILESIAN PERIOD. 23
11. Ui Fiacbrach : 3 drinking-horns, 3 swords, 3 steeds, 10 rings, 10 chessboards.
12. Ceneal Aedba : 7 women, 7 bondsmen, 3 drinking-horns, 3 swords, 3 hounds.
But that the stipend of the king of the Partraidhe resembles those of the kings of Hy Fiacbrach, noi-th and south (Ceneal Aedha), except that the latter, being much the more powerful, get each two additional items, I should suspect their name to be a mistake for that of Ciarraidhe, who are left out, and who ought to receive a stipend. On the other hand, they are not classed with the free tribes who had privileges expressed thus —
" The Ui Briuin and Siol Muireadhaigh and the Ui Fiacbrach and the Cineal Aedha are free tribes, and they are equally noble as the king, and they do not go upon an expedition or hosting except for pay ; and they do not go into battle with the king but for leward ; and if they be killed, and upon their being killed, the king is bound to give eric to their king ; and when the kingdom [of Connacht] does not belong to the race of Fiachra or Aedh or Guaire, the best man of them is privileged to sit by the right shoulder of the King of Connacht. If they happen to be in exile in another territory, they are to sit at the right shoulder of the King of Caiseal, or of the King of N'as, or of the King of Emain Macha."
CHAPTER III.
THE FIFTH CENTmY AND ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY.
EocHY MoYVANE died in a.d. 365. His son, Brian Orbsen, is next recognised as King of Connaught. Towards the close of the century he quarrelled with Fiachra, whom he made prisoner and put in charge of Niall (K.I.). Dathi and Ere Culbuidhe defeated Brian at Damhchluain, between Knockmaa and Conmaicne Cuile. Brian was chased by their ally, Crimhthann, son of Enna Cennselach, to Tulcha Domnaill, where he was killed and buried. St. Beo Aidh of Roscam dug up his bones and buried them at Roscam.
Brian's Druid, Drithliu, was killed on the shore of Lough Oarra, whence Aenach Drithlind took its name. This was a royal fort of the kingdom of Carra,i which I identify with the great dun near Liskillen. Realin peninsula, on the shore of Lough Cari-a, preserves the Druid's name.
Fiachra was released, became King of Connaught, invaded Munster on behalf of King Niall, and died of his wounds on his way back to Tara with hostages, who were buried alive round his f ert at Forud in Moyfenrath barony in Meath. It must be doubtful whether two Fiachras have been confused here or not. But we may believe that Dathi, son of Fiachra Foltsnathach, King of Irrusdomnonn, became King of Connaught towards the close of the century by killing Brian, and opening the succession for his father or himself.
Fairly accurate history begins in the fifth century, when the dates become right with a year or so generally, and events are likely to be correctly stated. Diu-ing the fifth century we have little local information, except about church affairs. Fights for sovereignty of Connaught sum up the political history. For 150 years the descend- ants of Fiachra of Irrusdomnonn were the rivals of those of Brian, and decidedly predominated over them, as Dathi and Ailill Molt are recognised as kings of Ireland.
At the beginning of the seventh century the Hy Fiachrach Aidhne entered the field, and shared the sovereignty with the Hy Briuin for a hundred years. The Hy Fiachrach Moy held it again in the persons of
1 H.F., p. 205.
24
ANNON IN THE 5^." CENTURY.
■rfb' CLonmaenpise D E LB N A
TANFORDS GEOGRAPHICAL ESTABr. LO.yOON.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 25
Donogh of Murrisk and Indreclitach for a year or two each. Then from 756 to 772 they held it for the last time. Henceforward it was with the Hy Briuin Ai, save that the O'llourks came in from time to time in the eleventh century, and that an O'Flaherty held it for a short time in a period of unusual disturbance.
He was acknowledged to be King of Connaught who was able to seize and hold Cruachan and to take the hostages of the sub-kings. Cruachan was abandoned after the death of Raghallach in 645. An island in Lough na nEn, near Roscommon, was afterwards, down to the Korman Conquest, a house of the King of Connaught.
The dates 1 have assigned are fairly correct. Different annals give different dates according to the synchronisms on which they are based, but agree generally in the order and relative dates until they become accurate within a small error.
Allowing Fiachra to have succeeded Brian, we find his son Dathi, or Nathi, whose name was originally Feradach, established as King of Connaught. He became King of Ireland at the death of Niall in ■406, and Duach Galach, youngest son of Brian, became King of Connaught. One of Dathi's brothers, Amalgaid or Ere Culbuidhe, should have been King of Ix-rusdomnonn at this time, which it will be most convenient to call hereafter the kingdom of the Hy Fiachrach, as the former name is dropped by all Irish writers.
Duach Galach is an important person in this history, because St. Patrick made his acquaintance, according to tradition, before he became King of Connaught, and worked in the territories of the Conmaicne and Ciarraige and of the Partry, and in Umall, and in North Carra among the Corcutemne. He worked also in the countries of the Delbhna and in Moy Ai and in Tirerrill. These are the countries which were especially under the influence of Duach Galach. On the other hand, he was wholly excluded fi-om the countries under the Hy Fiachrach, except those of the Corcutemne, and of the Calry east of Ballysadare. Duach (ialach was a Christian, and his son Eogan Srebh was baptized by St. Patrick. He died in 427.
King Dathi's death is recorded in the same year. He " was killed by a flash of lightning at Sliabh Ealpa." The account of his death in the Alps mentions the battles fought by his army under command of his son Amalgaid as they brought the body back to be buried in the Releg of Cruachan, where the pillar stone set up at his grave may still be seen. Sir Samuel Ferguson has identified the places named in the tract, but the evidence does not seem to me to establish the fact of such an invasion of the Roman Empire, which is not likrly to have escaped notice by Roman writers if it had occurred.
In l^allycroy in Erris is a mountain called Slieve Alp. Leaght- dauhybaun is a cairn on a high mountain to the east of it, and more
2G THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
to the east is a Lough Dauhybaun. Local tradition derived the name Dauhybaun from a " Fair David," a great robber who was killed by soldiers some two hundred years ago.^ A common robber would not be honoured by the great labour needed to place so great a monument at so great a height. It is not likely that it was put up to commemorate Kinw Dathi, but if King Dathi was killed in that country the local tradi- tion would affix his name to a great monument of forgotten origin. I am inclined to believe that Dathi met his death in Ballycroy, and that the legend was worked up by men who knew not this Slieve Alp. The death of Duach Galach and the settlement of his brother Amalgaid as King of Connaught would account for his presence here, chasing enemies or their cattle.
Of St. Patrick's work in Mayo at this period the only fact that has come down is in a note in Tirechan's collection in the Book of Armagh to the effect that he went from Drummut Cerrigi, which is near Kil- roddan, a little west of Lough Glynn, to Ailech Esrachtae in the north of Xarney, where he and eight or nine companions were threatened by certain men. Hercaith of the race of Nothi intervened and saved them. Hercaith was baptized with his son Feradach, whom he gave to Patrick. Feradach studied with Patrick for thirty years, and was ordained by Patrick in Rome. He was given a new name, Sachell. He was a bishop who worked in Moy Ai, having a church at Baslick. It is evident that Patrick had been working much in this country, and that many churches had been established before his episcopal tour. But we have no details of his work beyond the above, only the inferences from general statements and references to churches which consist only with an early period of work in Connaught.-
The accession of Laegaire as King of Ireland and of Amalgaid as King of Connaught produced opposite effects in Meath and Con- naught. Though not much of a Christian himself, even if ever nominally Christian, Laegaire held St. Patrick in great respect and gave him protection and freedom of preaching. Patrick seems to have gone to Rome, or at least to Gaul, to report the good opportunity of organising his congregations, and procured the appointment of Palladius as bishop. Only when the Irish rejected Palladius did Patrick accept the bishopric. There is no direct evidence that Patrick procured Palladius's appointment. It is inference from the facts. The Pope would not have superseded Patrick by sending a bishop to rule the church in Ireland unless Patrick suggested it.
In or soon after the year 4-13, iSt. Patrick made a tour in the
1 Proc. R.I. A., 3rd Series, vol. iv. p. 108.
■- For reasons for ascribing to St. Patrick a period of work in Connaught before 432, see my " Notes on the Early History of the Dioceses of Tuam, Killala, and Achonry."
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 27
Christian parts of Connaught, accompanied by a train of bishops and priests, founding new churches, visiting old churches, and leaving bishops and priests in charge. It seems to have been an organising tour. It has been suggested that the record in the Book of Armagh is that of a tour made by Tirechan himself, into which he worked the written and traditional information regarding places visited by St. Patrick in the form of an Itinerary of St. Patrick. ^ This he has done to some extent, but I am inclined to think that he also developed some kind of eai'lier diary or abstract.
Patrick came from Clonmacnoise to the border of Moy Ai, where two Druids who fostered the daughters of King Laegaire met him. They are said to have used their magic art against him, which was overcome by his prayers. The result was that he turned aside and went in the direction of Kilglass to Kilmore. Considering Patrick's relations with King Laegaire, I should expect these Druids to be well disposed towards Patrick, and I therefore suggest that the fact may have been that they met him to warn him not to enter Moy Ai, as King Amalgaid would not countenance his preaching there.
From Moy Glass, the Kilmore country, he went to work in the country of the Hy Ailello, and thence returned to Elphin and to Shankill. In the meantime, as I suppose, King Amalgaid had been induced to permit Patrick to work in Moy Ai, though he did not receive him at Croghan. Patrick worked all round, but is not mentioned as having been at Croghan or as having met Amalgaid. On the other hand, it is evident that the resident lords and gentiy were willing to receive him, and especially the sons of King Brian. We also find that Amalgaid's sons brought Patrick to their country and were baptized soon after their father's death, not ten years later.
So Patrick worked south to Fuerty, and then north again to the country of the Gregry, east of Lough Gara, the parish of Killaraght, where he founded churches. After a visit to Assylin he moved to Ailech Mor, the old fort near Castle More Costello, and founded the old church at that place, which was then part of Artech and occupied by the Ciarraige, and called Ailech Mor Ciarraige. We may be sure that Enda, the chief of Artech at that time, received Patrick in his house, and thus we may see in that ruined rampart one of the few places which can with any certainty be said to have been inhabited by Patrick. After working about Ikillaghaderreen he moved to Kilroddan, to the west of Lough Glynn, and thence to tlie country of Narney, where he founded the church, now called Kilcronan, on the east shore of Mannin Lake in the paiish of Aghamore. Thence he
^ Professor Bury, English Historical Jievicu; April 1902.
28 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
moved to Mucna's Well, now Patrick's Well, near Ballyhaunis, and founded the old churcli of Kilmullen in Grallagh townland.
Thence he came through the Dunmore country to the country about Kilmaine, and founded three churches. Two of them are Kilmainebeg and either Kilquire or Shrule, probably the latter. The Church of Cross might be the third. This country was already converted to a great extent. To an earlier period must be ascribed the fovmdation of the undoubtedly Patrician churches of Kilmainemore, Kilbennan, Donaghpatrick, and perhaps Templepatrick on Inchanguill.
From Kilmaine he moved to Cuil Core in Mag Caeri, where he founded a church. These places have not been identified, but are prob- ably in the barony of Clanmorris, as his next halt was in Mag Foimsen, the country about Ballinamore in Killedan parish, where he left Conan a priest, at Patrick's Well, as I suppose. Thence he passed to Stringill's Well, at Bellabourke, where he spent two Sundays, and went on to the country of Raithin, about Ballyheane. These churches seem to have been already established. Thence he went to Aghagower and founded a church. He fasted on the top of Croaghpatrick. Now, oi' earlier, he founded a church in Cloonpatrick graveyard at Oughaval. Thereafter he founded a church at Kilmeena, and moved into the country of the Corcu Temne, where he founded three churches, probably Turlough and Manulla and another in Kildacommoge paiish, Ijut it is not certain when Turlough and Manulla -were founded, though they were certainly Patrician. It may have been on an earlier visit. On this occasion he seems to have lived near Turlough, as he is said to have baptized many thousands in the Well of Sin, probalily the holy well at Turlough.
He uncovered a dolmen built over the holy well at Manulla in the presence of a crowd of the Druids and heathen of the country who had worshipped the well. It was called Slan, and from it the church and parish were called Slanpatrick down to the sixteenth century. The uncovering seems to have been a formal, prearranged act, that it might be seen whether the god of the well would punish the Christian who interfered with his altar, or a formal abolition of the worship. It seems clear that the Corcu Temne as a tribe, and their subjects, now generally adopted Christianity.
Thus ended the work of the tour, and St. Patrick returned to Meath.
King Amalgaid died in -i-iO, and his nephew Ailill Molt became King of Connaught.
Seven of Amalgaid's sons came to the Fes of Tara in 451 to settle before King Laegaire a dispute about theii' inheritance. Laegaire decided, with Patrick's concurrence, that the land should be divided, and that Enda, the eldest, should be the chieftain. The brothers
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY. 29
accepted Christianity in principle, but said that they must be baptized after the new religion had been adopted in their tribal assembly. Patrick contracted with them for escort to Tirawley. But the ar- rangements were not pleasing to all. Oengus conspired with Fergus and Fedelmid to kill Patrick and Enda's son Conall in Corann. Fergus and Fedelmid withdrew from the plot, and Oengus seems to have gone ahead to organise opposition. Though Tirechan does not mention the tribal meeting, yet it is evident that it was held, and that the brothers and their people accepted the new faith. For we learn that Enda and his brothers and 12,000 men were baptized in a well called Oen Adarc, according to the Tripartite Life.
The local tradition has told that Amalgaid and his sons and 900 persons were baptized in Tobernacreeva in Foghill townland. Except that Amalgaid was not there, the tradition may well be correct.
When he was near Mullafarry a mob led by Druids came to attack him between Killybrone and Crosspatrick, but were driven off by Enda and Conall.
He founded a church in the Forrach, which probably is Killogunra, and another called Donaghmore near Killala, and one at Kos mac Caitni, which is probably the ruin on Dunbriste. He is said to have founded Killala and Kilmoremoy. He certainly established the faith firmly in Tirawley, but the Book of Armagh and the Tripartite Life relate the Tirawley events in a very confused way.
He was in danger of drowning in crossing the Moy near Bouley- fadrick, south of Ballina, between Ardnarea and Breaghwy. He crossed its mouth also from Bartragh. He was opposed and threa- tened by the Calry of Coolcarney on one occasion. I suspect that they turned him back, and that he then took the other course. He made his way through Tii'eragh to Ballysadare, and on to Ulster.
In Tirawley he baptized Eochaidh Breac, son of Dathi, whose descendants settled about Killala. Fiachra Elgach and Ailill Molt and their descendants seem to have been pagans until the sixth century.
The only important clans who now adhered to paganism were the sons of Dathi and their descendants in the country of Caria, the Gai- lenga, and the Calry.
In accordance with the statement that seven sons of Amalgaid came to Tara and were baptized, we find that only Enda Crom, Oengus Fionn, Oengus, Eochaidh, Fergus, Felim, left families of importance in Tirawley. These constituted the Hy Amalghadha.
We know nothing more regarding the establishment of Christianity during this century, but may take it to have been spreading quietly.
After Laegaire's death Ailill Molt became King of Ireland in 463. The two branches of the Hy ^STeill combined and killed him in the
30 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
battle of Uclia, near Tara, in 482. His son Ei-c must have been of some importance. I). MacFirbis writes : " [Some] books state that Earc, the son of Oilioll Molt, assumed the monarchy of Ireland, and exacted the Borumha without a battle." If he did he was soon killed, or died, and the fact forgotten.
The kingdom of Connaught seems to have been assumed by Eoghan Srebh in succession to Ailill. In any case Duach" Tengumha was king at the close of the century. In 499 he was killed at the battle of Segais, the river Boyle, by Muirchertach Mac Erca of Ulster, and was succeeded by Eoghan Bel, son of Cellach, son of Ailill Molt, or, according to another account, son of Ere, son of Ailill Molt.
CHAFIKR IV.
FROM ACCESSION OF EOGIIAX RKL TO A.I). 800.
St. Tigerxax of Errew worked in Tirawley in the early part of the sixth century. His paten still exists. No more is known of him except that he was the founder of the Abbey of Errew. The Breastagh Ogham stone near the Jiing's house of Rathfran commemorates a " son of Cairbre, son of Amalgaid," who may be father or uncle of Tigernan, or a great-grandson of Fiachra Elgach.
Apparently at a later date St. Cormac appears. He is called Cormac O'Liathain, but it is not unlikely that a Tirawley man has been confused with O'Liathain. First he applied to Eoghan Bel, the King of Connaught, at his dun on Inishmaine. Eoghan did not encourage him, and he went to Carra, where Ailill Inbandha received him well at Fertlothair. Owing to the jealousy of a Finan of Rathen who was already settled in Carra, he had to move on, and went to Tirawley. This Finan is the first who appears in Carra after St. Patrick. His shrine was kept in the church on Church Island in Lough Carra. The Hy Amalgada received Cormac and let him settle at Kilcormick, near Killala, and it is said that they endowed him with the churches of Killala. The Abbey of Killala, which furnished the bishop and chapter, may have been his foundation. But we have no information about it.
He tried to settle and work in the kingdom of the Luighne and Gailenga, and was received well by the king, but had to leave in consequence of objections raised by St. Aodhan of Cloonoghil, who was established there.
A party rose against him in Tirawley, but he overcame all opposi- tion. He was especially the saint of North Tirawley as Tigernan was of South Tirawley.
According to his Life in Colgan's "Acta Sanctorum," the opponents were in the wrong, were properly cursed by him, and suffered then or in reputation afterwards. We may infer that he was a very quairel- some man, who could not work in peace with any one else.
St. Aodhan died in 562. Contemporary with him, or about the same time, his relations, Cuiniin, O'Suanaigh, and O'Triallaigh, were working in Tirawley and Tireragh. The two last seem to have been
32 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
brothers of Aodhaii, but we cannot rely implicitly on the pedigrees of early saints. Cuimin was a first cousin of Tigernan.
St. Brendan of Olonfert worked in Erris and lived on Inisglora'. The Nuns Derbiled, of the race of Eochaidh Bieac, and Gegh, carried on the work there in a later generation.
"We may allow that all the royal families of this country had adopted Chi-istianity and encouraged its spread in their dominions by the middle of the sixth century.
The Ulster kings Fergus and Donnell invaded Tireragh. Eoghan Bel collected his forces and came up with them at Belladrehid as they were driving away the cattle. The battle began at Grinder, now represented by Culleencrin. The Ulstermen were defeated and driven across the Sligo river, but Eoghan was mortally wounded, and died in a few days. He was buried, by his own orders it is said, in the side of a rath overlooking the ford below the town of Sligo, standing with his spear in his hand. Thereafter the Ulstermen were defeated when- ever they attacked the Connaughtmen, until they came with a great host to Rath na Fiachrach, lifted Eoghan and bviried him head down- wards in the flat land by Lough Gill, Aenach Locha Gile, which is supposed to be in Hazelwood demesne. It is evident from his chosen mode of burial that he was a pagan. This is called the battle of Sligo, and occurred in the year 537 or thereabouts.
In the same year a son of Ere, son of Ailill Molt, fell in the battle of Tortan in Meath. (A.U., A.T.)
From a curious mixture and confusion of traditions called the " Life of St. Cellach," the following historical facts are drawn. Cellach, eldest son of Eoghan Bel, and three of his cousins studied under Giaran of Glonmacnoise. Gellach tried to take up the chief- tainship, but w^as expelled by Guaire, grandson of Eochaidh Breac, and became a priest and bishop of Kilmoremoy. His younger brother, Muredach, became head of Eoghan Bel's branch. Gellach used his local influence on his brother's behalf when Mm'edach quarrelled with Guaire. MacDeoraid, son of Eoghan Bel's brother, supported by Guaire, murdered Cellach and drove Muredach out of his country, assumed the chieftainship, and ruled over at least the lands of the Calry of Murrisk, but was resisted by his subjects. Muredach returned, caught MacDeoraid and hanged him and three allies, called the four Maels, on Ardnarea. He is said to have captured them in a fort called Dunfidhne, having four doors, near Tandrego. Being unable to make head against Guaire, he submitted, and was treacherously murdered.
The quarrel seems to have been for supremacy over the lands of Calry of Coolcarney along the river Moy, a family quarrel between the Hy Eachach and Eoghan Bel's clan. A religious element entered
FKOM ACCESSION OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.D. 800. 33
into this war, as we are told that 3Iuredach remorselessly wasted the churches of Guaire's land, though he was considerate towai-ds Guaire's people.
The events cannot be dated more exactly than as having occurred about the middle of the sixth century. Eoghan Bel's family became extinct, and Guaire's also died out. The saints O'Suanaigh and O'Triallaigh seem to have been Guaire's brothers, as was Aodhan of Cloonoghil. They must have worked after the death of Ailill Inbanna, who succeeded Eoghan, being his brother, or possibly his son.
In 544 (F.M., A.T.) Fergus and Donnell invaded Connaught again, and killed Ailill and his brother Aedh Fortamail in the battle of Cuilconaire in Carra, a place not identified. The following curious tradition is given in the Tract on the Boromean Tribute in the Book of Leinster, translated by Mr. S. H. O'Grady in " Silva Gadelica," wherein Oolumcille says : —
"As touching Ailillbannda, King of Connaught, the matter whereby be had the Lord's peace was this : the battle of Cuilconaire it was, which he fought against Clann Fiachrach and in which he was defeated, when [as they retreated] he said to his charioteer : ' Cast now, I pray thee, a look to the rear, and discover whether the killing be great and the slayers near to us.' The driver looked behind him, and replied : ' The slaughter that is made of thy people is intoler- able ! ' ' Not their own guilt, but my pride and unrighteousness it is that comes against them,' said the king : ' wherefore turn me now the chariot to face the pursuers ; for if I be slain, it will be a redemp- tion of many.' Then Ailill did earnest act of penance, and by his foemen fell. 'That man therefore,' said Columcille, 'attained to the Lord's peace.'"
The mention of Clann Fiachrach as his adversary suggests that the Ulstermen found local allies in the rival families of the Hy Fiachrach.
His successor probably was Feradach Mac Rossa, whom I insert here on the authority of the Annals of Clonmacnoise.
Aedh, son of Eochaidh Tirmcharna, became King of Connau<,dit in 556.
To this period I assign the disintegration of the great kingdom of Irrusdomnonn, and its reduction to the historical kingdom of the Hy Fiachrach. The race of Ailill Molt in Carra becomes insignifi- cant, no longer mentioned in the Annals. The line of Fiachra Elgach comes to the front, and replaces in Tireragh the lines of Eochaidh Breac and Eoghan Bel. His son Amalgaid had been chief, as to him is attributed the building of Carnamalgada, now Mullaghorne, at Killala, as a burying phice for himself and a meeting place for his
C
34 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COI'NTY OF MAYO.
tribe. Tibraide is mentioned as having given St. Coluniba land on which the church of Skreen was built.
Owing to its inability to aspire to the sovereignty of Connaught, the kingdom of the Hy Fiachrach is seldom mentioned in the Annals. But there is more information regarding the affairs of the church.
602 (A.U.). The battle of Echros in Muirisc, between the Cinel- Coirpri and the Ui-Fiachrach of Muirisc. Maelcothaig, king of the Ui-Fiachrach, was put to flight.
Ulcha Derg O'Caellaighe, of theConmaicne of Cuil Toladh, captured the house of Cennfaelaidh, King of Connaught, and killed him in 680. Duncad Muirsce became King of Connaught, but was killed in the following year (A.T., A.U., F.M.).i
In 704 Duncad Muirsce's son, Indrechtach, became King of Con- naught, but was killed in 706 by the Ulstermen (A.U.).
In 742 the Gailenga appear fighting the battle of Lurg against the Hy Ailellp (A.U.).
In 757 Ailill Meadraige, who had become King of Connaught in 755, defeated the Hy Briuin Ai in the battle of Druim Robaigh or Brecmagh, killing three sons of Fergus, son of Cellach (A.TJ.). As Fergus Avas Ailill's immediate predecessor, this seems to have been a fight for the crown.
Ailill died in 763, and was succeeded by his cousin, Dubhinnrecht, who defeated the Conmaicne at Shride in the Co. Longford in 765. He died in 767, and was succeeded by his brother Donncothaigh, who died in 772 (A.U.). The Hy Fiachrach Muaidhe never again attained to the sovereignty of Connaught.
In 773 Flannabhra, lord of Umall, in 777 Dunghal, son of Flaith- niadh, lord of Umall, in 783 Aedhgal, King of Umall, died (F.M.). These are the first lords of Umall mentioned in the Annals.
In 776 there was a slaughter of the Calry by the Hy Fiachrach, and in 786 "a slaughter of the Ui-Briuin of Umall by the Ui- Fiachrach-Muirsce, where all the noblest were slain about the king, Flathgal, son of Flannabhra " (A.U.).
The beginning of the seventh century was marked by the establish- ment of great monasteries, and the complete organisation of the church upon the native system.
St. Mochua came to Balla about the year 616, and founded a monastery which became the ecclesiastical centre of the Hy Fiach- rach of the Moy, claiming supremacy over and dues from the terri- tories of Carra and Tireragh generally. Though the succession is unknown, it may be inferred that the race of Ailill Molt provided
1 A Dunchad was king of the Ui Amalgada and Ui Fiachrach Muirisc about 697 (Kuno Meyer, " Cain Adamnain," p. 19).
FROM ACCESSION OF EOCHAN BEL TO A.D. 800. 35
kings of tlie Hy Fiachraeh for some time after its foundation, and that the descendants of Fiachra Elgach liad estates in Carra. There is evidence of the latter fact in the tradition handed down by MacFirbis that O'Caomain had a large estate comprising the parishes of Rosslee and Touaghty, as well as a chiefry in Tireragh.
Fechin of Fore founded Cong in 623, after working in the baronies of Ballynahinch and Ross, which are especially connected with him. He left these countries about 630. Cong became the great monastery of the Conmaicne Cuile Tolad and Conmaicne Mara.
Colman of Lindisfarne, unable to follow the practices of the Celtic church in Northumbria, brought about thirty monks to settle on Inishboffin. Disputes arose between the Irish and English monks, which were appeased by the foundation of JMayo for the English monks in 668, which became a great institution, much frequented by young Englishmen of rank, and probably for a very long time manned by English monks to some extent. It acquired the greatest reputation of all the monasteries of this county down to the twelfth century. 1388408
The Inishboffin monastery decayed, being suitable only for ascetic life. The Columban monks were settled in several places in the county, at Oughaval, on Illauncolumbkille and Inishrobe on Lough Mask, and at places in Erris. But Mayo was the chief of all.
The Patrician monastery at Aghagower was the only monastery of note in Umall. The Hound Tower and the great endowment in land about it mark its position as the head church of that kingdom.
Turlough seems to have been the abbey of Clann Cuain, but no details are known about it.
Meelick, owing to its Kound Tower, must be taken to have been the principal abbey of the Gailenga, but I find no references to it. (St. Nathi's abbey at Achonry eventually overshadowed it, and pro- vided the bishop for that kingdom, but was peculiarly the abbey of the O'Hara family.
Regarding the Ciam'aige I find no church of importance correspond- ing with the great abbeys already mentioned.
The abbeys of Killala and Errew were the religious centres of Tirawley.
Thus all Mayo is Christian, and the monastic organ.isation is com- pleted which lasted, latterly in decay, until rejilaced in the eleventh century in practice, and formally in the twelftli century, l)y territorial episcopacy.
We must suppose that the great monasteries were laid out upon the usual plan — a church, buildings for common use of the monks, separate small cells for monks, and subsidiary buildings and store- houses, all surrounded by a high stone wall built without mortar.
36 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
called a cashel, I'ound or oval like the duns and raths of the kings and chiefs, but sometimes of irregular shape to suit the ground or the grouping of buildings. A small piece of the cashel of Mayo shows the extent of the enclosure. If the number of students in residence at one time was not very large, they and the teaching staff and the monks of the church may have found accommodation within the cashel. On the other hand, we know that the students of some very great colleges lived outside, and we might expect that the arrangement would be general in large colleges.
The churches of Moyne in the barony of Kilmaine and of Ross in that of Ross, which as far as we know were never of more than local importance, had cashels enclosing large areas. That of the former is in unusually good condition, and encloses an area measuring 380 b}- 330 feet, and that of the latter an equal area at least, judging from the remaining part. At Drum and Loonamore in the barony of Carra large cashels of rectangular plan are well marked, but they seem to have been intended for the accommodation of pilgrims, as the Togherpatrick passes through them.
We cannot say exactly how these enclosures were utilised, but we can say that such large enclosures were commonly built round im- portant churches. Such enclosures as those of Drum and Loonamore suggest walled villages, and that they may have been used in various ways. In some cases churches were built within forts given up by the owner for the purpose. The churches of this period which remain are not much more than thirty feet long, usually less.
Evidence is abundant to show the early use of mortar and steady improvement of ecclesiastical architecture, but is wanting, probably because there was no occasion for change, and was no change, in regard to secular ai'chitecture. We find no evidence of material change in military building until it is noted that the Connaught- men — i.e. King Torlogh Mor — built castles at Galway, Ballinasloe, and Collooney in 1124 (A.T., P.M.).
The cashels and cahers of dry stone, the earthen forts having the sides of their ditches faced with stone, and having stone walls or wooden palisades upon the ramparts, answered the purposes of de- fence, and continued in use long after the twelfth century. We have no means of dating them unless they are mentioned in history or legend. The great dry-stone forts of the counties of Clare and Galway, which are attributed to the Clann Umoir, may have been built during the period of their domination, but others, and some of them, were no doubt built earlier and later. Dunamoe, near Belmullet, is in the style of the great cahers of Aran, with outer defence of upright stone. Kilcashel, near Kilmovee, is a well-pre- served simple cashel without outer defence. Ballynacarrach, near
FROM ACCESSIOX OF EOGHAN BEL TO A.l). 800. 37
Kilmaine, shows a similar plain casliel strengthened by a deep ditch with steep sides. It is the Dun na nGall mentioned in 1159.
Castlehag in Lough Mask is a mortai-ed caher with an unusually high wall. It is first mentioned in 1195. As such mortared cahers are very rare, we may infer that mortar had not been long applied in military architecture when the Anglo-Norman invasion introduced a new style and those Irish lords who were in a position to build a fort built a castle. It is not likely that any new fort of importance was built in Mayo after the de Burgo conquest.
The domestic buildings inside the forts must have been generally of wood, as traces of even foundations of stone are rarely seen. The crannoges remained in use even to the sixteenth century.
CHAPTER V.
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE A^'GLO-XORMAN INVASIOX.
The Hy Briuin Ai, having become the predominant tribe of Connaught, expanded and settled their clans, called collectively the Silmurray, in the territories of the Ciarraige, Delbna, Hy Ailello, Hy Maine, Cor- camoe, and Conmaicne of Dunmore, thus maintaining and increasing their power until new conditions were introduced by the Anglo- Norman conquest. During the eleventh century their rivals were the C'RoiirTis, who mastered them for a time. From this period of confusion Torlogh Mor O'Conor arose. The Hy Fiachrach and other tribes of Mayo played small parts, and seldom come in sight.
In addition to these tribal quarrels which went on as usual, a more destructive warfare was introduced by the Northmen, who made their first descent on Ireland in 795. Their first visit to Connavight was in 807, when they burnt Inismurray and advanced to Roscommon, according to the Annals of Ulster and of Clonmacnoise. But the Chronicuiii Scotorum gives Roscam instead of Roscommon, probably coi"rectly, as these raids seem to have been confined to the sea coast. They made no settlements in Connaught.
Because they bore a special hatred to Christianity since Charle- magne tried to convert the north of Europe by the sword, their raids checked the progress of culture by the breaking up of religious com- munities and destruction of their libraries. Had they been Christians and plundered the churches only of such movables as were taken by the Irish from the churches of other tribes — probably only grain, cattle, and the like — no permanent harm would have come from an addition to the normal amount of plundering in the slightly organised agricul- tural and pastoral country. Losses would have been made good in the j)eaceful intervals.
Of what passed in Mayo there are but a few bare notes of events.
In 811 the Northmen descended on Umall, but were slaughtered by the men of TJmall, and they slaughtered the Conmaicne, probably Conmaicne Mara. They came again the next year and slaughtered the men of Umall, killing Cosgrach, son of Flannabhrat, and Dunadach, King of Umall (A.U.).
815 (A.U.). A battle was gained over the Ui Fiachi-ach of Muirisc
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. ')9
by Diarmait, son of Tomaltach. Death of Catlial, son of Ailill, king of the Ui Fiachrach.
The ])anes left Ireland alone until about 822, when another series of raids began. In 831 Turgesius appeared, established himself in the north, and put a fleet on Lough Ree for the devastation and sub- jugation of Connaught. The Annals record in 835 (A.U., F.M.) a cruel oppression and desolation of all Connaught. Two years later a fleet from the north plundered Collooney, where Cearball, son of Dunlaing, besieged them for a fortnight, and slaughtered them dreadfully after- wards. Other notes are made of battles between Danes and Connaught- men about this time, showing that they moved about freely and had the upper hand in these countries in spite of occasional reverses. Dr. Lynch writes : "We read that Turgesius . . . destroyed by fire the temple of the church of ]Mayo, which was I'oofed with sheets of lead."i
Turgeis, or Turgesius, was taken prisoner and drowned by ]\Iael- seachlainn. King of Meath. He had conquered Ireland to a great extent, and was fierce against Christians. For some time after his death Connaught seems to have suffered little from the Danes.
In 848 (F.M.) Loch Laeigh in Umall ran off into the sea. This seems to record the bursting of a bog lake. The place is not known.
In 887 the Hy Awley slaughtered the foreigners and killed one of their chiefs, Elair, son of Bairid (F.M.).
In 912 (A.U.) "a hosting by Niail, son of Aedh, to Connaught; and he gained a battle over the warriors of the noi'th of Connaught, viz., over the Ui-Amalgaidh and the men of Umhall, who lost great numbers between slain and prisoners, including Maelcluithe, son of Conor." Niall, called Glunduff, was afterwards King of Ireland. I cannot identify Maelcluithe.
In 927 (F.M.) the foreigners of Limerick went upon Lough Corrib and plundered the crannoges and strong places, but were slaughtered by the Connaughtmen next year.
In 936 they plundered all Connaught up to Moylurg and Slieve Baune.
In 938 (F.M.) Cairbre O'Cinaeidh, lord of the Ui-Aitheaclida, died. This tribe gave its name to Touaghty in Carra, Tuatli Aitheachda. It is the only mention of them in the Annals.
In 964 (F.M.) Fearghal O'Ruairc, King of Connaught, and Taicli- leach O'Gadhra, Khig of Luighne, invaded South Connaught. They were defeated by the Hy Fiachrach Aidhne, and O'Gadhra and 700 men were slain in Burren of Corcumroe.
In 983 (F.M.) Aedh O'Dubhda, King of North Connaught, died. The pedigree is evidently defective between Aedh and his ancestor 1 Canib. Ev., ii. 101.
40 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Donncathy. Two or three more are needed to span more than two hundred years. The O'Conor pedigree has six generations from Tomaltach, son of Murgil, to Conor, son of Tadhg of Three Towers, contemporaries of Donncathy and Aedh.
According to MacFirbis, Aedh and his father made arrangements with O'Caomhain, head of the senior line of the race of Fiachra Elgach when the sovereignty was settled in the line of Dubhda, which are set out here as they illustrate the mode of growth and settlement of clans, showing how some clans got greater hereditary estates than others of the same race. These were a partition of territory and honours. O'Caomhain received as his lordship the land from the Leaffony river to Toomour, and the Tuath Euisen in Carra, now mainly represented by the parishes of Rosslee and Touaghty. He got about half the land of the Hy Fiachrach of the jMoy. He was allowed also the following pi'ivileges and distinctions : —
1. Of first sitting in the drinking-house.
2. Of arranging the battle.
3. That O'Dubhda should stand up before him when he meets him or wherever he may be.
4. That O'Caomhain shall take the first drink and bath.
5. That whoever takes his first arms in his territory shall take them from the descendants of Diarmaid, son of Cathal, son of Caomhan.
6. That O'Caomhain shall get the Luach leasa (a fine on marriage) of every king's daughter ; and the steed and battle dress of every king among them for ever, after his being inaugurated, and that the like should be given by them to the Ollav — that is, to MacFirbis.
The remaining twenty years of the century are marked by the efforts of Maelseachlainn of Meath and Brian Boro to gain supremacy over Connavight, which was generally on Brian's side, as it was in- vaded by Maelseachlainn in 983, 992, and 997. It does not appear that he penetrated to Mayo, or what parts the Mayo lords played. By the year 1000 Brian made good his supremacy over O'Conor and O'Rourk, and is said to have received hostages from all Connaught in one week in 1001. According to the copy of K eating's History used for O'Connor's translation, he levied a tribute of 800 cows and 800 hogs, paid on 1st November.
In 988 Conor, son of Donnell, King of Luighne, died, and in 993 the Gailenga killed Fogartach, son of Diarmait, son of Uathmaran, lord of the Corcofirtri (A.T., F.M.).
In 1002 Conor, son of Maelseachlainn, lord of Corcamodhruadh and Aicher Ua Traigthech, and many others, were slain by the men of Umall in West Connaught (F.M., A.T.). This seems to have been a raid on behalf of Brian.
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 41
In 1005 Maelruanaidli, son of Aedh O'Dublida, Kin.u of Hy Fiach- rach of Murrisk, and his son Maelseachlainn and liis brother Geben- nach died (A.U.).
In 1014 the battle of Clontarf ended the Danish invasions, but did not end the internal wars and robbery, which were worse than before, or are more fully recorded than before.
The Chronicum Scotorum gives these obits of the Luighne at this period : —
848. Tuathchar, son of Cobhthach, king, died. 921. Uathmaran, son of Dobhailen, king, died. 945. Domnall, son of Maelmuaidh, king, was slain by the son of
Uathmaran, son of Dobhailen, and by the C'orcofirtri. 983. Diarmaid, son of Domnall, king, died.
The Round Towers are held to have been a result of tlie incursions of the Northmen, built as places of refuge for ecclesiastics and safety for relics and treasures of churches. They date from about the year 900, to which period the Tower of Turlough is assigned by Miss Stokes, who attributes those of Aghagower and Meelick to the period from 973 to 1013, and those of Killala and Balla to the close of the twelfth century. They mark the fact that an important monastery or church then existed at their site, and in the county of Mayo seem to mark the principal church of an important tribe — Killala for the Hy Awley, Turlough for the Clanncuain, Balla for Carra and Hy Fiachrach Muaidhe, Meelick for the Gailenga, Aghagower for Clann Maille. They show improvement in architecture, as do the contemporaneous churches. About the same time, in the tenth century, the Irish Romanesque or Decorated style came in, showing a very great advance upon the early churches. They are much larger, usually from forty to sixty feet in length, the doors and windows being progressively more ornamental, and masonry often wholly of cut stone, until this style, having attained a high degree of artistic beauty and archi- tectural power in the development of the stone I'oof, was superseded by the Gothic style introduced in the twelfth century. Those that remain in this county are much ruined, or have been altered in part to the Gothic style.
In 1021 MacConcannon, lord of Hy Diarinada, was killed by O'Gadhra. In 1023 O'Conor, King of Connaught, made an expedition into Brefne, where he killed Donnell O'Hara, King of Luighne. In 1024 occurred "the battle of Ath na Croisi in Corann, between Ua Maeldoraidh, i.e. King of Cenel Conaill, and Ua Ruairc, when O'Ruairc was defeated, and a terrible slaughter of the men of Brefne and Connacht was committed by the Cenel Conaill" (L.C., A.U., F.M., A.T.). The ( )'IIaras and O'Garas seem to have been opposed to
42 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
O'Conor and on the side of O'Ruairc in the years 1021 and 1023, and to have been on his side, together with O'Ruairc, in 1024, combining to resist the Ulstermen. But this reading depends on the description of those who were killed as " of Brefne and Connacht." So it may have been only a successful raid against O'Rourk and his allies, who could not resist Ulster without help from O'Conor. All accounts call it a defeat of O'Rourk, who is said to have lost 2000 men.
In 1030 Donncad, lord of Cairbre, was killed by the Hy Fiachrach of Murrisk before the house of Adamnan's shrine, that is, at Skreen (F.M.).
In 1032 Conor, son of Maelseachlainn O'Dubhda, was killed by his cousin, the son of Xiall O'Dubhda (A.T.).
In 1051 Aedh O'Conor, King of Connaught, defeated and killed many of the Conmaicne in Sliabh Formaeile. He blinded Amalgaid O'Flaherty, King of West Connaught, and fixed his residence at Tuam (F.M., A.T.). In 1055 he preyed Luighne.
In 1059. Aedh O'Dubhda, King of Hy Awley, and Duarcan O'Hara, King of Luighne, were killed by their own people, and Ruaidhri O'Gadhra was slain (A.T., A.U.).
The remainder of this century was marked by the fighting of Con- naught against the kings of Ulster and Munster, who sought to establish supremacy over Connaught, and by the quarrels of O' Conors and O'Rourks and O'Flaherties, who were fairly evenly matched. The O'Conors rather lost ground until Torlogh Mor became King of Connaught and made himself King of Ireland. Mayo territories are seldom mentioned in these affairs.
In 1063 MacLochlainn, King of Ulster, invaded Connaught as far as the Moy and the west of Luighne, when O'Conor and the chiefs of Connaught submitted. " The cave of Alia, in Cera, was captured by the Connaughtmen, against the people of Aedh Ua Conchobair, in which one hundred and sixty persons were suffocated" (L.C. and A.U.). But the F.M. say that the cave of Alia Gere in Carra was taken by the Conmaicne against the Connaughtmen, that the cave was demolished, and that the jewels of Connaught were carried off thence. It seems to me that two events have been mixed, the descent oi' raid of MacLochlainn on Connaught and a fight between the Conmaicne of Moyrein and O'Conor. The cave has been assumed to be Aille, near "Westport, which, in my opinion, never was in Carra. That is a cliff where a river runs into natural caves, which could not be destroyed. There are no signs of ancient fortifications near it.
The Four Masters seem to give it the full name Alia Gere. It is evident that a fort was captured with an artificial cave which was destroyed. It cannot be identified as in Carra, and, considering the evident inaccux-acy of parts of the record, may be elsewhere. There
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 43
was a once well-known stone cave in Grccraiglii in which Grec Mac Arodh fonnd Cormac Mac Art after his birth in Luii^-ni Firtri's house, according to the Legend of the Birth of Cormac. ^
In 10()7 Donnslevy O'Ciara, prince of Luighne, was killed by J>rian O'Ciara.
Torlogh O'Brien of Thomond brought an army of men of Munster, Leinster, and Ossory and encamped at Lough Hacket, whence we must suppose that at least the south of Mayo was plundered. Ruaidhri O'Conor submitted to Torlogh in 1076, but the submission must have been temporary, as Torlogh came again in 1079 and drove him out of Connaught, bringing a fleet as well as an army, for he " went upon Loch Beannchair, and Innsi Modb, and plundered the Cruach " (F.M.). Loch Beannchair is Tullaghan Bay, Innsi Modh are the islands of Clew Bay, and the Cruach is probably that from which Ballycroy takes its name (F.M.).
In 1088 Murtough O'Brien attacked liuaidhri and sent a fleet round to the west coast, but Ruaidhri slaughtered its crews.
Ciesar Otway records in his " Sketches in Erris and Tyrawley," p. 60, that the Leacht Air lorruis, Monviment of Slaughter of Erris, " a rude conical pillar of stones," was said to have been the scene of "the slaughter of an invading army from Munster. A semi-spherical mound a mile and a half from it was called after the King of Munster, in which many years before had been found a skeleton standing up- right. The Laght is near Binghamstown in the Mullet, and may very well commemorate one of these invasions and the defeat of the invaders. But the mound burial seems to be much too early for this period, and we must suppose that the tradition of the invasion from jNIunster has attached itself to the ancient burial mound. They nu;st have been but a small party engaged in robbing the country, as no great force could have been in these parts to resist them.
In 1090 Taichleach O'Hara was taken prisoner (A.U.).
In 1091 Laidgnen, i.(\ the Buidennach O'Duinncathaigh, lord of Gailenga, was slain by the Hy Briuin (F.M.).
In 1092 Ruaidhri O'Conor was treacherously blinded by his foster- son O'Flaherty. Until Torlogh Mor rose to power the O'Conors were depressed, they and O'Kourks and O'Flaherties were incessantly fighting, and Connaught sulfered many invasions because there was no king able to protect it. O'Brien was the principal assailant. He tried to effect a partition of Connaught, making O'llourk chief king of Connaught, and having O'Flaherty as an ally. On one of these occasions, 1093, O'Brien is said to have encamped in the plain of the Hy Fiachrach from midsummer to St. Michael's Day. Lough Hacket seems to have been usually made O'Brien's headquarters. ' " Silva Gadelica," ii. p. 278.
44 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
In 1094 Gilla na ninghen Ua Coblithaigh, King of Umall, Airchin- nech of Agliagowei", was killed by the men of Carra (F.M.).
In 1095 Taichleach O'Hara, lord of Luighne, was slain with many of his people by the Conmaicne of Dunmore, and in 1096 Murtough O'Dnbhda, king of the Hy Fiachrach, was slain treacherously by his own people (A.T., F.M.).
Connaught seems now to have had some respite from O'Brien invasions, in which at least South Mayo must have suffered severely. O'Dowda was usually on O'Conor's side.
In 1106 Murtough O'Binen deposed Donnell O'Conor and made his younger brother Torlogh king in his place, being then nineteen years old, whose power increased until he was able to make good his title of King of Ireland in 1136. Why he was able so soon to raise the power of the Silmurray does not appear. It may be supposed that he showed great abilities for war, and as O'Rourks and O'Flaherties were some- what depressed by the incessant Avars and invasions, the minor tribes adhered to. him for protection's sake, and eventually the greater, who would find it more to their advantage to join Torlogh in successful invasions of other countries than to resist him and suffer invasion from him. Great as he made himself, it must be remembered that he was such a king as Brian Boro before him, who forced himself by fighting into the highest position. There was no government, no administration of public affairs^ only supremacy and power of levying tribute from weaker kings.
In consequence of his power, we may suppose that Mayo men were increasing in prosperity owing to freedom from plundering and the profits of plunder of other provinces, whereof those who joined in expeditions would share. But few references to Mayo men and countries are found.
In 1113 "a thunderbolt fell on Cruachan Aigle in the night of the festival of St. Patrick, which destroyed thirty of the fasting people" (L.C.). This seems to be the event recorded under 1106 in C.S. : " Ua Longain Airchinnech of Ard-Patrick was burned by lightning in Cruach-Padraig." Cruachan Aigle is near Oughaval, near Westport.
In 1123 Tadhg O'Mallev was drowned with his ship at Arann (A.T.).
In 1126 Torlogh invaded Munster and encamped in Ormond. Donnell Finn O'Dowda, lord of the Hy Awley, was drowned as he was bringing back the prey from the baronies of Connello in Co. Limerick. Torlogh was helped by a Connaught fleet on this occasion, and again in the following year when it defeated the Munster fleet.
In 1128 Mayo men were out with him invading Meath and Leinster, when he went as far south as Wexford. O'Gara, lord of Luighne, was
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 45
killed. Meanwhile Tigevnan O'Rourk led the forces of Brefne, the Hy Fiachrach, and othei'S against Ulster. The cavah'y of Conor, son of MacLochlin, defeated the cavalry of O'Rourk and killed Taich- leach, son of Aedh 0'J)owda. This defeat seems to have led Torlogh to make a truce with O'Brien until 1130, when he took a fleet to Desmond and another as far as Tory Island, which plundered llosguill. In 1131 O'Malley was slain by Donnell O'Dowda's son in the stone church of Oughaval, but within three months his own spear killed him " through the miracle of Columcille."
Torlogh fared ill now, and O'Rourk had to submit to Conor O'Lochlin. He was much hampered by family quarrels at this time.
In 1133 Cormac MacCarthy and Conor O'Brien invaded Connaught and plundered a great part of the country, and destroyed Dunmore and Dun Mughdhord, now represented by Doon Castle, near West- port. O'Rourk plundered the Hy Fiachrach. Torlogh and O'Brien made peace. for a year.
In 1135 Awliff, son of Donnell Finn O'Dowda, lord of Hy Awley, was slain by his own people.
About this period the kingdom of Luighne seems to have been practically broken into two separate kingdoms under O'Gara and O'Hara, the former holding as his kingdom so much as is in the county of Mayo, with the country of the Gregry under him. The O'Haras may be held to be no longer Mayo men, having no supremacy over Gailenga. The next few years are marked by great internal disorder in Connaught and by Torlogh's quarrels with his sons and other troubles. His Aveakness led to quarrels among the chieftains, and actions of unusual violence on his part, but by 1142 he overcame his troubles and made his power felt by the other provinces.
In 1137 Tuam, Cong, Termon Caillainne, Mayo, and Kilboyounagh Avere burnt, apparently by invaders, though they are not named, or by Connaught tribes, as Torlogh was fighting with O'Rourk and O'Melaghlin, and punished his own subject O'Concannon. " All the province of Connaught was laid waste from the Drowes to the Shannon and to Echtghe, and the people themselves wei-e driven into West Connaught." But by 1142 Brefne, Telia, and Meath had to submit to Torlogh.
In 1143 Aedh, son of Murtongh O'Dowda, lord of Hy Fiachrach, died (A.T.).
In 1147 Duarcan O'Hara was killed by O'Gara (A.T.).
In 1153 the Hy Fiachrach were in an army led into Meath by Torlogh's son Ruaidhri, who encamped at Fordruim on the way back, without sending out scouts. The XJlstei'men surprised them as they were pitching camp and killed many, including Brian O'Dowda, lonl of IIv Fiachrach.
46 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
In 1154 "a fleet was brought by Torlogh O'Conor round Ireland northwards — i.e. the fleets of Dun Gaillimhe, of Conmaicne Mara, of the men of Umall, of Hy Awley, of Hy Fiachrach, and the Cosnamhaigh O'Dowda in command over them — and they plundered Tirconnell and Inishowen. The Cinel Owen and Muircheartach, son of Kiall, sent persons over sea, who hired the fleets of the Gall Gael, of Ara, of Cantire, of Man, and the borders of Alba in general, over which MacScelling was in command ; and when they arrived near Inishowen they fell in with the other fleet and a naval battle was fiercely and spiritedly fought between them ; and they continued the conflict from the beginning of the day until evening, and a great number of the Connaughtmen together with Cosnam- haigh O'Dowda w^ere slain by the foreigners. The foreign host was defeated and slaughtered ; they left their ships behind, and the teeth of MacScelling were knocked out " (F.M.). But ]\[urtough O'Lochlin plundered Moy Ai and Moylurg.
Torlogh seems to have made more use of ships than is recorded of any other king. The Mayo and Galway people seem to have been more seafaring than the other seaside people, or else Torlogh was the first to use ships on a large scale.
It is not clear who this Cosnamhaigh was. Cosnamhaigh whose death is recorded in 1162, and Cosnamhaigh whose death is recorded in 1181, are called respectively loi-d and crown prince of Hy Awley, and of the former ^lacFirbis writes : " Cosnamhaigh Mor, the only fighter of a hundred that came in later times, and who was treacher- ously slain by O'Gloinin in his own house at Inis Cua, on accovint of (a dispute about) a greyhound whelp" (H.F. 113). I am inclined, therefore, to think that there Avere three of the name about the same period, and that they were of the Clann Domnaill of Loch Con. In their description there is some small indication that this clan had been placed over, or among, the Hy Awley by a partition of the lordship, so that the Hy Awley no longer were directly under O'Dowda. Their ancestor had been killed by the O'Gaughan.s at Bearna Domnaill in Moyheleog.
In 1155 Fiachra, son of Cethearnach O'Ceirin, lord of Kerylough- narney, died.
Torlogh Mor died at Dunmore on the 20th May 1056, and his son Ruaidhri became King of Connaught.
The Cross of Cong was made to hold a piece of the Cross which was sent to Torlogh in 1123. Torlogh built a great cathedral at Tuam, of which the chancel arch remains, used as a doorwa}-. He built castles at Galway and Dunlo and CoUooney.
Ruaidhri O'Conor's attempt to succeed to the title of King of Ireland was resisted by Murtough O'Lochlin, who was too powerful
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 47
for him. He was beaten near xVrdu in 1159 with great loss. The son of Finnan Ua Sibhien, King of the Ily Eachach of the Moy, was slain. O'Lochlin carried the war into Connaught, and burnt Dun- more and Dunciarraighe and Dun na nGall. Dunciarraighe is not known. Dun na nGall is the great fort in Bally nacarrach to the west of Kilmaine. But Tigernach's continuation notes only that after burning Dunmore he marched as far as Dun na nGall.
In this year Dermot, son of Teige O'Mulrony, King of Moylurg and of the Aicidecht, died. In 1187 the death of his son Maurice is recorded " in his own mansion on Claenloch in Clann Chuain." This house was probably Boyd's Island Crannoge in Lough Lannagh near Castlebar. " Aicideacht," " Chiefry " is a name of Clann Cuain territory. The tradition was that Ruaidhri Mear, son of Taiehleach, son of Niall O'Dowda, being king, came to cosher on Donnell O'Quin, chief of Clann Cuain, and took his daughter by force. O'Quin killed Ruaidhri next morning, and then placed himself under the protec- tion of O'Mulrony, afterwards called MacDermot. MacFirbis places Ruaidhri in the list of kings next after Aedh, who died in 1143, but does not date his death. It is likely that the story and date are accurate, but the grandfather of Ruaidhri must be an earlier Niall than was supposed by MacFirbis.
O'Lochlin was too sti-ong for Ruaidhri O'Conor, who now en- deavoured to subdue Meath, Leinster, and Munster. The death of O'Lochlin in 1166 left him by far the most powerful king, and he became King of Ireland. Thus Connaught had an unusual degree of freedom from foreign devastation for some years.
In 1169 the Normans invaded Ireland.
A tract written by Torna O'Mulconaire, who was chief poet of Connaught in 1310, shows the change in the relation of the O'Conor kings of Connaught to the kings of the Hy Fiachrach, of Luighne, and of Umhall since the time of the Book of Rights. It must be taken to show the claims which O'Conor enforced, when he could, until the de Burgo conquest. The following is O'Donovan's trans- lation of a part : " These are the stipends of the royal chieftains of Connacht from O'Conchobhair, i.e. twelve score beeves and twelve score sheep on May-day to MacOireachtaigh ; twelve score beeves and twelve score hogs to himself every All-hallow-tide, and these are levied from Ubhall. Twelve score milch cows and twelve score sheep on May-day to O'Fionnachtaigh ; twelve score hogs and twelve score beeves every All-hallow-tide to himself, and these are levied for him from Luighne Chonnacht. Twelve score milch cows and twelve score sheep to O'Maoilbhrenuinn ever}' May-day ; twelve score beeves and twelve score hogs every All-hallow-tide to himself, and these are levied for him from Tir Fhiachrach, and from Cuil
48 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Cnamha, and from Cuil Ceamiamha. Twelve score milch cows and twelve score sheep on May-day to O'Flannagain ; and twelve score beeves and twelve score hogs every All-hallow-tide to himself, and these are levied in Tir-Amhalghaidh and in Irrus."
The Danish invasions did much to shatter the frame of the Irish Church which had grown up while the Western Eoman Empire was in disorder. When Ireland settled down to better conditions the western parts of Europe had been reorganised. As before the year 800 we find the Church of Ireland by degrees, and after contest, abandoning certain points of ritual and practice in favour of the Roman views, so from the tenth century we see signs of another change, from the jurisdiction of abbots over the monks and monasteries of their order to that of a bishop over a defined area.
By the close of the tenth century the Annals mention a Bishop of Connaught ; by the close of the eleventh he is called Archbishop of Connaught. We do not see what went on locally during these centuries, but we find that the principle of territorial episcopacy was accepted by the close of the eleventh. The work of the twelfth- century reformers was to establish discipline and organisation on the continental model by afiixing to certain sees an exclusive territorial jurisdiction, and by submitting the whole Church to the jurisdiction of the pope. The first point was formally accepted and carried into operation at the Synod of Fiadh Mic Aenghusa in 1111 and at that of Rath Breasail in 1118, and the second point at that of Kells in 1152, when the Church of Ireland ceased to exist as an independent Church, and became a branch of the Church of Rome, four arch- bishops being appointed and receiving palls from the pope.
The Synod of Rath Breasail proposed five sees for Connaught, with liberty to the people of Connaught to rearrange them, provided they did not exceed five in number. Under this arrangement Mayo would have been divided between the sees of Killala and Cong. Killala was to comprise the present diocese with the barony of Carbury in Sligo and the diocese of Achonry. Cong was to comprise all the rest of Mayo, and the lands of the Conmaicne in the baronies of Ross and Ballynahinch, and those of the Ciarraige in the county of Roscommon as far east as Castlereagh.
But it was found impossible to absorb the sees of important tribes, the O'Flaherties, O'Heynes, O'Garas, and O'Haras. Either at once or before the Synod of Kells the Mayo arrangements were modified, and dioceses formed as they appear at the Synod of Kells. The diocese of Killala was the immediate kingdom of O'Dowda. That of Achonry was the kingdom of the Luighne and Gailenga. That of Cong w^as altered by transfer of the four southern parishes of the barony of Costello to Tuam, and of the Roscommon lands to Ardcarne
FROM A.D. 800 TO THE ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION. 49
or Elphin. It is given a new name and called the diocese of Mayo at the Synod of KelLs, having Mayo Abbey Church as its cathedral. It does not appear that there ever was a bishopric of Cong, as a diocese including Mayo ; the see may have been fixed at !Mayo from the beginning. The diocese of Mayo was amalgamated with that of Tuam in 1209.
The Bishop of Tuam became Archbishop because the O'Conor kings of Connaught had made Tuam their chief residence during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and because Torlogh j\Ior was so powerful in the middle of the twelfth century.
This transfer of power affected the position of the abbots and changed the or"ganisation of the Church. The ancient orders decayed and most of the monasteries disappeared as active monastic bodies. It seems clear that the old rules, those of Patrick, Ciaran, Columcille, Brendan, Coman, and Fechin prevailing generally in Mayo, were abandoned during the twelfth century. The endowments remained vested in the successors of Patrick, etc. In 1210 these endowments were formally transferred to the bishop of the diocese in which they lay. The note in the Annals of Clonmacnoise recording this event mentions Comarb and Termon lands as transferred. The distinction is not clear, but I apprehend Comarb lands to comprise any lands, and Termon lands to be those lands immediately round a church which got the name of Termon from early rights of sanctuary. I see some indications that distinction was made between endowments given to the ancient Comarb or church, and those given to the abbot and convent of New Augustinian Canons, which were left to them. Hence it is that the bishop so generally owned the lands about the ancient parish churches.
The monastei'ies which survived converted themselves into Augus- tinian Canons, or were transformed into cathedral chapters, as in the case of vicars choral in Tuam and Annaghdown. In some cases dean and provost or precentor seem to represent abbot and Ferlegind of the ancient abbey ; prebendaries and canons seem to represent them in some cases. But the subject is obscure. The abbot being often himself a bishop, the change was easy in such a case.
The Abbey of Mayo became cathedral. Cong, Inishmaine, and Errew reconstituted themselves. All others disappeai'ed. Errew seems to have been built in the twelfth century under the influence of the new style introduced by the Cistercians, but before Irish architects were familiar with it. Cong was reconstructed at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and Inishmaine at about the same time.
Until the de Burgo conquest no other orders were established in Mayo.
D
50 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The reduction of the number of dioceses was followed by a reduction of the number of parishes. This seems to have been carried out at the end of the century in these dioceses, as we find, in the epistle of Pope Innocent III. of 1st April 1198 defining the extent of the diocese of Killala, a list of forty-seven parish churches in Tirawley and Erris, reduced in 1306, in the Ecclesiastical Taxation, to twenty parishes, while in Tireragh there are the same number as in 1306, those recognised in the present day. Yet there are other old churches in Tu-eragh, and I suppose the amalgamation to have been carried out there first because Tireragh had in very early times been under the Abbey of Balla generally.
CHAPTER VI.
RELATIONS OF THE KING OF COXXAUGIIT WITH THE KING OF ENGLAND IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES.
By the treaty of Windsor in 1175, Ruaidhri O'Conor became the vassal of the King of EngUxnd. He could not execute the conditions he had undertaken, not having the control over the kings and lords of Ireland thereby made his vassals, or the organised administration needed to secure collection and payment of dues and tributes.
The invasion of Connaught in 1177 was not made on behalf of King Henry. Murrough O'Conor engaged Milo de Cogan and his soldiers to support him in assuming the sovereignty of Connaught. The rebellion failed, and was but an ordinary event of Irish clan quarrels, in which, by custom of the country, each side got what out- side support it could.
It is a commonplace of Irish history that Henry II. gave his justiciary, William FitzAudelin, a grant of Connaught in 1179, bvit I cannot find authority for it, or even a reference to any authority. It is perhaps due to the confusion of William FitzAudelin with William de Burgo, and to a misreading of a date of some grant. If a grant was made it was inoperative. The Annals do not record events to account for it. All other grants follow upon events recorded in the Annals or in the English Records. Several grants of this period were inoperative, made in view of contingencies which did not arise.
Conor Moenmoy, having forced his father into retirement, joined O'Melaghlin in destroying an English castle at Killare in 118-4. This was an aggression, as Meath was reserved to the King of Eng- land. Ruaidhri returned in 1185 to recover his kingdom with the help of the O'Briens and English from Munster, but failed. The entries in tlie Annals of Loch Co go to show that John de Courcy's invasion in 1188 was due to Henry's endeavour to restore Ruaidhri.
In 1195 Cathal Crobhderg invaded Munster, but made peace at Atldone, whereby Cathal's position as King of Connaught was recognised, <Jii facto if not de jure. Up to this time the King of
52 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
England made no attack on the King of Connaught, but the actual kings of Connaught, Conor and Cathal, made two unprovoked attacks upon the land of their lord.
The Gormanston Register has a charter of about 1195, Avherein \Y. de Burgo grants to Hugh de Lacy ten cantreds of Connaught, the Three Tuaths, Moylurg-Tirerrill, Corran, Carbury Drumcliff, Tire- raghmoy, the two cantreds of Tii-awley, Erris, Leyny, Slievelua, for 100 marks yearly and the service of ten knights. W. de Burgo must have had a grant from the king, given to him to enable him to raise forces against Cathal. We may take it to have been the con- sequence of Cathal's invasion of Munster, and to have been made inoperative by the peace of Athlone.
After Ruaidhri's death in 1198, and an arrangement between the Cathals whereby Cathal Carrach got a large tract in the south of Connaught as a lordship, Cathal Crobhderg in 1199 and 1200 attacked the English at Athlone and invaded Munster, where he took William de Burgo's Castle Wilkin and Castle Connell. This was aggression by Cathal. The Justiciary and William de Burgo entered into treaty with Cathal Carrach to set him up as king.
In 1200 and 1201 King John began to make grants of land in Connaught. He gave Tirmany, which was something more than the barony of Athlone, and Tirieghrathbothe, which was a tract of land next the Castle of Athlone, to Geoffrey de Costentin, and Dungalue — Galway, or perhaps Galey on Lough Ree — to Richard Tirel. The grantees never had possession.
While John was Earl of Mortaigne he made an inoperative grant to Hugh de Lacy of six cantreds of North Connaught, which may be attributed to 1195, or more probably to 1199, when Cathal Crobhderg was in possession of North Connaught.
In 1201 Cathal Crobhderg made terms and was brought back to Connaught. The death of Cathal Carrach left him without a rival in his family. But the murder of 600 to 700 of William de Burgo's soldiers caused a war between Cathal and William, which seems to have been considered a private affair. In 1203 William took up the cavise of Conor Moenmoy's sons and advanced as far north as Mayo. King John took up Cathal's cause. William made no resistance. He surrendered his castles peaceably to the king, who certainly ful- filled his obligations to Cathal. William appeared before the king in October 1203, and justified his conduct, as he was allowed to return in 1204 and was given possession of all his castles.
At some time he had a grant of some parts of Connaught, as he made grants. But it was certainly inoperative.
In March 1204 the king appointed Meyler FitzHenry and the Archdeacon of Stafford to settle all matters between him and Cathal
KING OF CONX AUGHT AND THE KING OF ENGLAND. 53
by the advice of Walter de Lacy. By August an agreement was made that Cathal should give up two thirds of Connaught and keep one third by right of inheritance at a yearly rent of 100 marks. In 1205 the king accepted another proposal by Cathal, that Cathal should hold of the king in fee as a barony one third of Connaught at 100 marks a year, and should pay for the other two thirds a tribute of 300 marks, and out of them grant two cantreds to the king. This arrangement lasted for some time.
The cause of surrender of two thirds I take to have been CathaTs inability to pay the costs of the armies which were raised on his behalf. It was vei-y difficult at all times for an Irish king to raise money or cattle from his people, for one in Cathal's circumstances impossible. The arrangement obviated difficulties. Considering the King of Connaught's attack upon his lord's lands, and the great ex- pense of the wars consequent upon it, the settlement does not seem oppressive.
In 1207 the king pardoned Gilbert and Philip de Angulo, who had been outlawed in 1195, and confirmed Cathal's grant of the cantred of Moenmagh to Gilbert, who had taken service under Cathal in 1195. At the same time the king granted to Ciilbert a cantred of land in Eastyre, Wintelmolman, Ul'unan, and Nyaki to hold by service of four knights. Eastyre and Nyaki I cannot guess at, but Wintelmolman and Ul'unan may be taken to be Muintir-Mailfhinnain and O'Loman. There was an O'Loman at Finnure in Abbeygormican parish. Muintir-Mailfhinnain appears in 1.333 as the title of a great cantred which extended to that neighbourhood. So the king's grant may be taken to have been one of his two cantreds lying between Moenmagh and the cantred next Athlone.
King John came to Ireland in 1210. Cathal met him and arranged that John should give his son Aedh a charter for the third part of Connaught, and that he should give Aedh to John as a hostage. The annalist blames Cathal's wife for advising Cathal to break his en- gagement. John de Gray, the new justiciary, invaded Connaught. Cathal submitted, and gave his son Torlogh as a hostage. But it does not appear that the proposed arrangement was carried out.
Something seems to have occurred in 1215 which caused the king to provide for new arrangements in regard to Connaught by grants 1 of the same date, one to Richard de Burgo'of " all the land of Connac' which William his father held of the king in fee farm rendering yearly 300 marks, . . . saving to the king the castle of Athlone, with the cantred in which it is situated ; and .saving to Godfrey de Constentin the cantred - given to him by the king in exchange for the former canti'ed ; Godfrey to render homage and due 1 D.I., i., Nos. (;5;], (i.-)4, (laC - Tri Tuatha, D.I., i., No. 590.
54 THE PEARLY HISTORY OF THE COUXTY OF MAYO.
service to Richard de Burgh ; saving to the king donationes crociarum in that land " ; and one to the King of Connaught of all the land of Connaught saving to the king the castle of Athlone, in fee during good service, not to be dispossessed save by order of the King's Court, at 300 marks yearly. Another paper shows that Cathal had agreed to pay 5000 marks for this grant. The grant to R. de Burgh was to provide for failure of Cathal to accept his grant in accordance with agreement. This settlement lasted for some years.
In 1221 Walter de Lacy built a castle at Lanesborough in Annaly, a country not included in the kingdom of Connaught. Cathal in- vaded West Meath and took the castle. This aggression was arranged somehow.
In 1224 Cathal's son Aedh helped the king in the war against the de Lacys, and was given for his expenses temporary possession of the land of Tirbriuin, Conmaicne, and Caladh — that is, of all O'Rourk's kingdom except the northern part of Leitrim.
The justiciary supported Aedh in succession to Cathal, who died in 1224.
On the 25th June 1226 Geoffrey de Marisco was made justiciary in succession to William the Earl Marshall. On the 30th June orders were made for his guidance. He was to summon " Oethus, son of Kathal, late King of Connaught, to be before the justiciary at the King's Court, to surrender the land of Connaught, which he ought no longer to hold on account of his father's and his own foifeiture ; by the charter of King John granted to Kathal, he only held the land so long as he should faithfully serve the king. If Oethus do not surrender the land, the justiciary shall by the Court ascertain the truth of the forfeiture ; and if he forfeited the land, the justiciary shall take it into the K.'s hand." ^ It was further ordered at the same time that, on taking into the king's hand the land of Connaught on account of the forfeiture of Oethus, he grant seisin thereof to Richard de Burgo at a rent of 300 marks for the first five years and 500 marks subsequently ; five of the best cantreds nearest Athlone to be retained for the king.-'
A report by Geoffrey to the king shows that resistance Avas feared ; it is undated, but was made about August, soon after he landed. William made no resistance. Geoffrey reported that all the king's castles were held and fortified against him, except that of Limerick held by Richard de Biu'go. But he believed that it was not William Marshall's wish that his bailiffs should hold them against the king. " All the Irish are so banded together, and so wheedled by William Crassus, that they cannot be recalled from their conspiracy." . . . " As to the King of Connaught, who at the instigation of William 1 D.I., i., No. 1402. 2 j)j_^ i^ >^-o_ 1403.
KING OF CONNAUdllT AND THE KING OF ENGLAND. 5o
Crassus has become heedless of the king's mandates, the justiciary summoned him to come to Dublin under safe conduct of Walter de Lacy ; as the king did not come, the justiciary appointed a day for him at the K.'s castle of Athlone, which is on the confines of the king's territory, and is fortified with men and provisions against the K."
It is evident that Aedh was to be brought to trial in the usual way if he denied the forfeiture, and that the result was not prejudged. Provision was made for the case of forfeitv^re. This grant to Richard did not come into operation. Aedh was given an opportunity again of coming to terms. It is to be remembered that he held the land from the king as a baron. But the idea of trial or submission to a court would not commend itself to an Irish prince wlio acknowledged no right but force.
From the Annals of Loch Ce we learn that when Aedh appeared at Athlone he seized the messengers sent to treat with him, burnt the towTi of Athlone, killed the constable of the castle, and released the hostages of Connaught. The Annals- say that William Marshall forcibly took him out of the King's Court when he was betrayed there. This is certainly wrong. The course of events was that William Marshall was suspected of an intention to rebel, and perhaps did make preparations, that a plot was made among the Irish lords on his behalf, in which Aedh joined, and that Aedh did not submit quietly as William Marshall did when the new justiciary came. This Athlone affair committed Aedh to open war.
On the 21st May 1228 Richard de Burgo got a grant in fee of all Connaught which had come to the king by Aedh's forfeiture, at a rent of 300 marks for the first five years and 500 marks a year after- wards, and for the service of ten knights ; the king retained five cantreds and reserved episcopal investitures. This grant is the origin of the de Burgo lordship of Connaught.
The five cantreds, afterwards known as "the King's Cantreds," were — Omany, Tirmany, Moy Ai, the Three Tuaths, Moylurg, and Tirerrill.
Tirmany comprised the baronies of Atldone, part of Ballymoe in Roscommon and Oalway, some land north of Roscommon, and some more land west of the Suck in Killian. Omany comprised the baronies of Kilconnell, Clonmacnowen, Moycarn, and some more. The boundaries of these cantreds ai'e uncertain in places.
A ten years' war ensued before the O'Conors and their allies were subdued, and Richard de Burgo and his barons were established and fortified in their demesnes in 12.37. The king made various grants in his cantreds which came to nothing. He held only the castles of Athlone and Randown and some adjoining lands. The Annals
56 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAY^O.
record how various 0 'Conors were set up as kings of Connaught during this period. The king seems to have been willing to let the King of Connaught hold Silmurray and Moylurg, and even the whole of his five cantreds, if he could maintain his position among his own people. That was impossible for a long time, Felim O'Conor appeared eventually to be the strongest, and submitted and accepted the five cantreds in 1237, at a rent of .£400 a year (35 D.K., p. 37). He endeavoured to keep the peace, and was for many years a faith- ful vassal, even going to help in the "Welsh wars.
In 1249 Felim's son Aedh attacked the Berminghams in Tireragh. Felim supported his action. The justiciary therefore drove Felim out of the country, and made Torlogh, son of Aedh, king in his place. But peace was made with Felim, and he was restored in 1251. In 1253 it appears that Felim had held four cantreds at the king's plea- sure. At this time he must have been deprived of another cantred, for the king began to give permanent tenures in Tirmany and Omany in 1252. Henceforth the kings of Connaught seem to have been only tenants at will. The Pipe Roll of ix. Edw. I. shows that Felim had held 3 cantreds under rent. The outbreak of 1245 thus appears to have cost Felim 2 cantreds. Henceforth his son Aedh was evidently beyond his control.
The O'Conors joined in O'Neill's rebellion, and continued the war in Connaught after O'Neill's defeat. The justiciary had to come into Connaught. Peace was made in 1262, and a site was chosen for the castle of Roscommon. The kings of Connaught were constantly at war with the English until Richard, the Earl of Ulster, came of age and got control of his estates, when his great power soon forced the O'Conors to confine their fighting to their own family and subjects.
This arrangement lasted until after the battle of Athenry in 1317. In 1318 Roger Mortimer let to King Torlogh the king's lands of Silmurray, Fethys (Tuathas ?), and the lands of the King of Tirmany (O'Kelly), saving the lands of Englishmen and those granted in burgage.
In 1324 Torlogh was given the three cantreds which Felim had held. This was a period when Connaught kings went up and down quickly.
In 1331 the escheator reported that no income came from Richard de Exeter's Connaught lands, because Torlogh and his brother Cathal forcibly held them. It was a very troubled period for the O'Conors. The Earl had crushed them and held his own dominions with a strong hand, intervening as he pleased in their feuds. On the other hand, the King of England's power in Connaught had lapsed. No real settlements had been made by the English in Omany or Tirmany, except by David de Burgo, ancestor of MacDavid, who acquired
KING OF CONNAUGHT ANJJ THK KING OF ENGLAND. 57
Clancouway, probably from the heirs of William de (Jddingeseles, who was owner in the beginning of the fourteenth century.
In a few years the English power and English law were nearly extinguished by the murder of Sir Edmond de Burgo. The sons of Sir William de Burgo and their cousins, and other tenants of the infant Countess of Ulster, finding that the King was unable to punish the murder or enforce the rights of the Countess, by degrees disregarded those rights and the king's authority more and more, until they discarded English law and adopted Irish customs. So came to an end, in practice, the relation of lord and vassal or tenant between the kings of England and Connaught. But the legal rights were never forgotten by the kings of England.
After the treaty of Windsor established the relation of lord and vassal between the King of England and the King of Connaught, the former had a right to insist upon observance of the treaty. The trouble arose because the King of Connaught undertook what he could not perform. The parties were not upon an equality in respect of observance. The King of England was at the head of a power- ful nation, highly ox'ganised upon a civil basis, able to enforce law against his subjects, and to carry out his engagements.
The King of Connaught was acknowledged head of several kings of a nation but slightly organised upon a tribal basis, unable to enforce law against any but his immediate subjects, his relation to the other kings being practically limited to levying tribute when he was strong enough. Moreover, his own position was insecure and the succession uncertain. The Irish chieftains could not at a moment's notice give up their habits of making raids on their neighbours, or assisting their neighboui-s in their conflicts with enemies, and could not understand that any treaty between the King of Connaught and the King of England affected their ancient rights and customs, and drew an imaginary line between certain districts which they must not pass. In truth such a treaty was beyond the powers of any king, and no one need regard it, any more than any other submis- sion, unless he was compelled by force. On the other hand, by Irish custom every king was entitled to subdue any other king or tribe if he could, and if a king of Connaught, or of England, was strong enough to do so, he was within his rights according to inimenioiial custom.
I have here dealt only with the relations between the two kings, and have passed over the many quarrels and wars in which the kings were not considered to be involved, which were settled by the Eng- lish barons without the King of England's intervention. A distinc- tion seems to have been made between raids made by subjects on their own account an<l international raids, as we should call them.
58 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
taken up by the kings on both sides. The general question of right and wrong between the two kings ended with the treaty of Windsor. The subsequent wars were results of that treaty, and, as far as we can see, originated in breaches by the King of Connaught, or in rebellions and other intestine disorders in which the King of England interfered to support his vassal, who, according to the custom of the time and of the present courts of justice, had to pay the costs of being put in possession.
On the whole the King of England does not seem to have oppressed his vassal, at first probably because that vassal wa^ very powerful, and latterly, when his power fell low, because he became useful as some counterpoise to the immense power of the de Burgo Earls of Ulster.
CHAPTER VII.
STATE OF THE COUNTRY FROM 1170 TO 1237.
The Anglo-Norman invasion occurred when the internal conditions favoured an attack on Leinster, Meath, and Munster. For fifty years the O'Briens had resisted the O'Conor supremacy with results disastrous to Munster, especially during the later years. Meath and Leinster had been so crushed by Torlogh Mor in 1143 that he set up his son Conor as king, who was killed by the Meathmen in the next year. Ruaidhri not only compelled submission to himself as chief king, but interfered in family feuds, dividing kingdoms and setting up his own partisans. Owing to these events the kingdom of Meath was held to comprise O'Rourk's kingdom, which therefore passed by Henry II.'s grant of Meath to Hugh de Lacy, though it had been throughout the historic period within the kingdom of Connaught.
These proceedings of Torlogh and Ruaidhri, and the decay of the power of the royal families of Meath and Leinster, suggest that the foreign invasion prevented the establishment of an O'Conor as chief king of Meath, and a general repetition of very early events whereby the kings of Connaught established branches of their family in Leinster and in Meath.
Connaught had enjoyed unusual freedom from invasion under the power of those kings, and so was the stronger in relation to the other provinces, but was left a prey to disorder by the great number of their sons and grandsons who naturally quarrelled for supremacy. In ordinary course the sons of those who did not become kings would have been allotted hereditaiy estates, and would have formed a great Siltorly alongside of the Silmurray. The process had begun. Ruaidhri's sons were settled in Carra, INIurtough Mweenagh's and Maghnus's and Cathal Migaran's in Clann Cuain and Umall, Donnell Midheach's in Carbury, where they were replaced, after fighting, by the Clann Andrias. Conor Moenmoy's son Cathal Carrach got a large assignment in Hy INIaiiy by partition with Cathal Crobhderg. The conquest of Connaught upset these arrangements, and drove the whole family into a small tract of Roscommon, except the clan of Murtough Mweenagh, who were let remain in Umall and Erris until their turbulence brought on expulsion in 127o. and the clan of
60 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
Andrias, son of Brian Luighnech, who remained in Carbury, and profited so much by submission to FitzGerald, and afterwai'ds to de Burgo, that their head eventually became O'Conor Sligo.
There are indications that the new lords of Connaught were ready to accept the Irish chiefs as their tenants so long as those chiefs behaved fairly well. Many remained in their original territories during the Norman supremacy. For 150 years the King of Connaught's power declined steadily, and the minor kings and chiefs accepted to a certain extent their new position. The power of the de Burgo lord of Connaught and Earl of Ulster was irresistible when brought to bear-, and gave those who held loyally under him a peace and security not known before, a material compensation for loss of savage independence subject to heavy and uncertain exactions of more powerful kings and to constant war and plundering.
Disorder arose not from rebellion of their own vassals against the Norman resident lords, but from O'Conors, O'Rourks, O'Donnells, O'Neills, whose territories had not been occupied, who were compelled only to submission, and were not under control unless an army Avas brought against them. The lord contented himself then with setting up a new chief under engagements. The Annals show a tangle of fighting, plundering, and murdering, very seldom causes and con- sequences. It has been taken as a matter of course that the King of Connaught was victim of a series of unprovoked attacks and injuries by the King of England and the Norman barons. The Annals and the Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, which supplement and help each other, show that the wrongs are not all on one side.
The wars and fighting fall under three heads — quarrels between the kings of Connaught and England ; those between the kings of Connaught and the adjoining barons, which were not treated as wars against the King of England ; the raids and rebellions against Norman lords. Those under the second head seem to have been aggressions by the Irish, but where the Normans appear as in- vaders they were resisting and punishing raids or taking sides in a disputed succession. The relations between the kings of England and Connaught explain most of the fighting down to 1338.
From 1228 to 1235 fighting was incessant, chiefly directed against O'Conors, those who opposed the man recognised by King Henry as King of Connaught, and those who were settled in the de Burgo part of Connaught. Richard de Burgo tried to bring them to terms, and failing to do so, drove most of them out and divided Connaught com- pletely among his allies only after 1235. We find no evidence of settlement except the building of castles of Galway and Meelick. He tried then to keep the O'Conors and others as feudal lords under him, holding the country by means of these castles and garrisons. This
STATE OF THE COUNTRY FROM 1170 TO 1237. 61
became impossible, i\m\ we know tlmt the barons spread over Connaught and began to build castles in 1237.
Felim O'Conor accepted the new position after this. Those O'Conors who did not were driven out of the de Burgo lands. 8ome accepted it, as Clan Murtough Mweenagh, and remained in possession of large estates. O'Flaherty was allowed to remain on an estate in the barony of Clare until his rebellion in 1273, when he was driven out and sent to the west of Lough Corrib. O'Heyne and O'Flaherty were on R. de Burgo's side during these early wars, having submitted to him among the first.
O'Heyne, O'Flaherty, O'Kelly, O'Malley, O'Dowda, O'Hara, 0'C4ara seem to have been treated by Richard and his great barons much as King Henry and his successors treated O'Conor. But as regards them evidence is slight. Where English lords and colonists settled down the local Irish chiefs disappeared. But the great chiefs named above were left in possession of large estates. Where no settlements were made these chiefs recovered their position after 1338.
CHAPTER VIII.
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224.
RuAiDHRi regarded his first submission to Henry II. as he regarded submission to an Irish king, and soon attacked him again. But in 1175 he came to terms in the treaty of Windsor.
In 1177 William FitzAudelin was Governor of Ireland. Murrough O'Conor came to Dublin and engaged Milo de Cogan and a force of 40 men-at-arms, 200 horse soldiers, and 300 archers, in order to dethrone his father. The Annals of Innisfallen give the fullest account of this raid, and are generally in agreement with Gii-aldus Cambrensis. They went direct to Roscommon, where Murrough joined them. They burnt churches in Moy Ai and Clanconway, and marched by the Togher of Moin Coinneadha, which gives Temple- togher its name, to Dunmore and to Tuam, where they remained for three nights.
King Ruaidhri was touring in the west of Oonnaught when he heard of the invasion. No resistance was offered to the invaders, and no one joined them. Ruaidhri, or his friends, abandoned Tuam and burnt Kilmaine and Kilbennan and Lackagh and Kilcahill and Roskeen and the castle of Galway. The country was laid waste before the invaders. This action, and the failure of Murrough to secure support, showed the English that the enterprise was hopeless, and they retreated. Meanwhile Ruaidhri had collected forces and had got behind them, and had a skirmish with them as they passed over the Tochar, and attacked them again when they were crossing the Shannon at Athleague, opposite Lanesborough. Giraldus says that the engagement was unintentional on both sides, and that the English lost only three men. This must mean that it was only a skirmish with the rear, for his own account shows that the Connaught- men waited for the English between Tuam and the river. All accounts agree that the Connaughtmen laid their own country waste and defeated the Englishmen. The expedient was effective against a heavily armed body without many Irish allies. It is also evident that such a body could not be attacked successfully by the lightly armed Irish forces except at a disadvantage in crossing a bog or ford. It is therefore probable that only three men of importance fell, as the
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 63
Irish accounts substantially agree that there was no severe fighting. This was the first appearance of an English force in Connaught, It was not an attack by the English upon the kingdom, but a rebellion by Murrough with the help of mercenaries.
Ruaidhri got hold of his sons. He blinded Muriough, and con- fined Conor in the island of Lough Hacket. In a year the O'Elaherty faction rescued him, and bi-ought about a reconciliation with his father.
In 1180 Aedh O'Caithniadli, lord of Erris, was treacherously slain by O'Callaghan at Kilcommon. Auliff O'Toghda, chief of Bredagh, was killed by O'Gaughan, chief of Moyheleog. Murrough O'Lachtna was drowned in Lough Con. Thus we get an occasional glimpse of what went on when the chiefs were not engaged in war on a larger scale.
In 1182 Murrough, son of Taichleach O'Dowda, was slain by Melaghlin O'Mulrony of Moylurg.
In 1183 Bee O'Hara, loi'd of Leyny, was treacherously slain by Conor O'Diarmada, son of Ruaidhri O'Conor, in his own house on Lough MacFarry, now called Lough Talt.
Conor Moenmoy drove his father out of Connaught in 1181, and made himself king. Ruaidhri retired into the Abbey of Cong in 1186, where he remained until his death, except for a futile attempt to recover the sovereignty in 1189. He died there on the 29th November 1198, in his 82nd year. His body was removed to Clon- macnoise in 1207, probably in connection with the rebuilding of the great church of Cong,
In 1187 MacDermot (Maurice, son of Teige), lord of Moylurg, died in his own mansion on Claenloch, in Clann Chuain. This house was probably Boyd's Island, near Castlebar — formerly a crannoge, since drainage a peninsula — if Lough Lannagh be the Claenloch.
When Conor Moenmoy was murdered in 1189, Cathal Crobhderg became king after contest with Conor's son, Cathal Carrach. The quarrels of these Cathals were the cause of great suffering to the people of Connaught during several years until the death of the latter.
In 1192 Taichleach O'Dowda, lord of the Hy Awley and Hy Fiachrach, was slain by his two grandsons.
Gilbert and Philip de Angulo fled from Meath and were outlawed in 1195, Gilbert joined Cathal Crobhderg in his invasion of Munster in 1195, and seems to have remained permanently in his seivice, having a large assignment of land in South Connaught.
Cathal invaded Munster without provocation, perhaps in pursuit of Cathal Macl^ermot of Moylurg, whom he had driven out of Connaught, He went as far as Emly and Cashel, destroying castles
64 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
and towns. He returned with a large force to Athlone, Avhere he made peace with John de Courcy and de Lacy. Cathal MacDermot " came again in the same year, through the strength of his hands, into Connacht, until he reached Caislen na Caillighe ; and he killed many persons on his way from the south as far as that " (L.C.). " On arriving at Lough Mask and Inishrobe, he seized upon all the vessels of Cathal Crovderg O'Conor, and brought them away to Caislen na Caillighe, where he proceeded to commit great ravages in all direc- tions, until Cathal Crovderg, accompanied by a party of the English and of the Sil Maelruana, arrived and made peace with him, although he had hitherto committed great ravages " (F.M.). Castle Hag must have been surrendered to him by the guard, or possibly he surprised them. Such an impregnable stronghold most likely secured him easy terms of peace. This is the first reference to Castle Hag in the Annals. It is not mentioned again until Sir R. Bingham ruined it. It is remarkable that the Annals should ignore the building of such a fortress, a ^reat cahir with mortared walls of great height.
In 1196 Cathal Crovdei-g drove Kuaidhri O'Flaherty out of his kingdom. O'Flaherty took to the sea, and plundered Conmaicne and Umhall, but afterwards went to Ulster and made peace with O'Conor by the mediation of the Comarb of Patrick, the Archbishop of Armagh. Yet O'Conor seized O'Flaherty next year. Such i-elations between the powerful O'Flaherty clan and O'Conor facilitated an agreement between de Burgos and O'Flaherties in later wars.
In 1199 Cathal Crovderg made an unprovoked attack on the English, at Athlone probably, killed many persons, and carried off cattle. Thus he came into collision with the English forces, whereby his position as King of Connaught was eventually much reduced. The history of these wars, ending in what the Irish justly called the Conquest of Connaught, shows the ruinous and inconclusive character of native Irish warfare. The main object was to plunder and destroy the country, not to follow up and annihilate the enemy's forces or to overawe him liy occupation of his country.
The Annals differ somewhat as to the years in which events fell, but agree generally as to events. The Annals of Clonmacnoise seem to give the best arrangement on the whole, and are here followed as to date and sequence.
In 1200 Cathal Crovderg invaded Munster and burnt William de Burgo's castles. After a raid into West Meath, where he suffered loss, he collected his forces and went into Aidhne, as if to meet the English from Munster, but began to plunder Cathal Carrach's terri- tory. C. Carrach inflicted a severe defeat on a detachment sent against him. C. Crovderg seems to have retired without fighting before the English forces under William Burk and Murtough and
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 65
Conor O'Brien, who made C. Carrach king. To him hostages were given by the chiefs of the Silmurray and the Tuaths and by MacDermot, O'Gara, O'Hara, and O'Dowda. C. Crobhderg went into Ulster.
" However, Cathal Carrach and William Bui-k, and the two O'Briains, with their Foreigners and Gaeidhel, left neither church nor territory from Echtghe to Dun-Rossarach, and from the Sinuinn westwards to the sea, that they did not pillage and destroy, so that neither church, nor altar, nor priest, nor monk, nor canon, nor abbot, nor bishop afforded protection against this demoniacal host ; and they used to strip the priests in the churches, and carry off the women, and every kind of property and stock found in the churches, without regard to saint or sanctuary, or to any power on eai'th ; so that never before \/ was there inflicted on the Connachtmen any punishment of famine, nakedness, and plundering like this punishment." (L.C.)
This plundering must have been before the general submission. We must understand that Cathal Crovderg adopted the course usually taken by an Irish king in face of superior force. He retired before them with his adherents, and looked on while his and their country was being pillaged. His chief adherents got tired of this and sub- mitted to the conquerors, and he fled to come again if he could. We need not suppose that this war was any worse than the other wars which the country was well used to. But it may have been more thorough. The invaders were largely well-armed, organised soldiers, able to beat down opposition, irresistible by a purely Irish army, but slow. Their O'Conor and O'Brien allies were used to the work of plundering and destruction, and could do it well under cover of the main body.
The pillage and destruction of churches I believe to mean no more than that the surrounding houses or villages were destroyed and pillaged, not that the fabric of the church was purposely destroyed. Destruction of churches was not a Norman or English custom. There was reason for plundering and burning churches if by the term we understand the subsidiary buildings belonging to the clergy and the villagers which grew up about the churches. Under 1236 (L.C.) we find that corn was stored in the religs or churchyards, and kept in baskets in the churches, and the practice is mentioned in the above extract. Thus burning Kilmaine and Kilbennan may mean burning the church itself, which is the exact meaning of the expression. But we know that burning a line of churches would make no difference to an invader. Burning the houses of the villages of that name and all the supplies with them would be an effective act of defensive warfare. It needs only the sight of the cashel of 3Ioyne church, near Headford, to make clear the importance of the churches in the warfare of those days. It was a custom in Ireland to put corn and heavy property in charge
E
66 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
of the clergy when the owners betook themselves to fastnesses with their cattle, in the hope that the invaders would respect the clergy, as they evidently often did in ordinary Irish cattle raids. The Nor- mans made war in a more sei'ious and thorough fashion, and had no idea of leaving the enemy's supplies for his use as soon as they left the place. At an early period an arrangement was made with the clergy that, if property left with them for safe keeping was taken from the churches, the fees due for keeping it should be paid by him who took it.
In 1201 Cathal Crovderg came twice from Ulster, and twice suffered defeat. In this fighting Taichleach O'Dowda was killed. After the second defeat Cathal Crovderg procured the support of William de Burgo and his Munster allies. These transactions are obscure. Meiler FitzHenry, the justiciary, and William de Burgo supported Cathal Carrach against O'Neill and O'Hegny. Cathal Carrach defeated Cathal Crovderg when he came a second time with de Courcy and de Lacy. The king arrested de Courcy and called him to account for his action, but the result does not appear. It is certain that William de Burgo now suddenly took up Cathal Crov- derg's cause against Cathal Carrach, and he seems to have done so with the king's consent, as he was called to account by the king only when he attacked C. Crovderg in 1203. It is most probable that this change was the result of an attack on the English by C. Carrach, as the only means of securing the favour and toleration of the Connaught chieftains. It is evident that he had hitherto i-elied on English arms for his position, that Cathal Crovderg had a very strong party in Connaught ; having been king for ten years, and being a son of Toi-logh Mor, were points in his favour. Other Connaught kings set up by the English took the same course, notably Felim O'Conor in 1316.
However this may be, Cathal Crovderg came again early in 1202 with W. Burk, Murtough and Conor O'Brien^ and Finghin MacCarthy. They went at once to Boyle and occupied the monastery, which they began to fortify with a stone wall.
On the third day Cathal Carrach was killed in a skirmish with a party sent out to plunder MacDermot's lands, who therefore must have been his supporter. Tomaltach, son of Taichleach O'Dowda, was killed, and several other men of rank at the same time. This ended the war. The O'Briens and Finghin MacCarthy went home. Cathal and William de Burgo made a tour to the south by Dunlo and Moenmoy and then by West Connaught, i.e. along the country of O'Flaherty east of the Lough as far as Cong, where they stayed to spend Easter.
" The resolution that Cathal Crobhderg and William Burk adopted,
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 67
moreover, was to despatch their mercenaries thioiighout Connacht, to levy their wages ; ami William Burk, together witli all who were with him, and Cathal Crobhderg, went to Cunga-Feichin. After this a miraculous event happened, and it is not known whether it occurred through a man or through the spirit of God in the shape of a man — viz. it was reported that William Burk had been killed ; and there was not a road in Connacht by which this report did not come. The resolvition adopted by the tribes on hearing this news was as if they had taken counsel together — ^viz. each man to kill his guest. And thus it was done — viz. each tribe killed all that came to them ; and the loss, according to the report of their own people, was nine hundred, vel ampliug. When William Burk heard that his people had been slain, he plotted against O'Conchobhair ; but timely notice reached O'Conchobhair, and he left the place where William was ; and William went to Mumha, after losing the majority of his people." {L.C., 1202.)
Torlogh, son of King Ruaidhri, was seized by his own brother Diarmaid, and by Diarmaid, son of Ruaidhri, son of his uncle Maghnus, and by O'Dowda and O'Hara, on behalf of Cathal Crov- derg. This arrest must be a consequence of the breach between Cathal and William Burk. Torlogh was a man who might be set up as a rival king.
The slaughter of his men must have been the cause of William's turning against Cathal. The proceedings of these years justly earned for William his Irish title of William Conquer.
William Burk began the campaign of 1203 by plundering Clonfert about the 1st February in company with Conor Moenmoy's sons. Thence they moved to Meelick and made a fortification round the church, in which a garrison was left. He then marched northwards by Knockmoy, plundering all places until he reached Mayo, where he killed the two sons of Aedh Dall O'Conor, and settled for a time at Cong. Of this time it is said: " Tuaim-dha-ghualann was emptied, and Cunga Feichin was rased, so that it was without a house or church, and the churches of nearly all Connaught were emptied " (L.C.).
King Cathal was evidently powerless to resist. But 3Ieiler Fitz- Henry, the justiciary, and Walter de Lacy brought an army into Munster against William, who leturned to the south and submitted himself to the king's orders, giving up all his castles to the justiciary. In July 1203 the king ordered William to answer all complaints brought against him by the justiciary. In October William had appeared before the king. In March 1204 commis- sioners were appointed to inquire into the complaints made by the justiciary and others against William, and V)y William against the
68 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
justiciary. He took William into Normandy with him, and ordered restoration to William of all his castles and lands, save those in Connaught. In September an order is made retaining the land of Connaught in the king's hand on account of these disputes, which are not further mentioned in the record. He seems to have justified his actions before the king, as he returned to Ireland in 1204, and died in 1205. But this was probably in January, February, or March of 1205 according to the ofiicial year, 1206 according to the usual computation of the year from the 1st January. He closed a chapter in the histoi'y of Connaught and of Ireland, by putting an end to the independence of the kings of Connaught.
It is not known when this great man came to Ireland, but it must have been not later than 1190. He married a daughter of Donnell Mor O'Brien, King of Thomond, and of Munster until the Invasion, by whom he left three sons. He had large grants in the counties of Limerick and Tipperary, and seems to have settled down on his lands and kept out of the wars until Cathal Crovderg's attack forced him to take up arms for his own defence. Though his lands were within the kingdom of Thomond, they had not been directly occupied by the O'Briens, and it was therefore easy for him to cultivate friendly relations with that family, which were maintained by his descendants. This alliance was an important factor in the conquest of Connaught by giving him and his son Richard the help of the O'Briens. Another daughter of O'Brien named Mor was married to Cathal Crovderg, and another to Donnell Mor O'Kelly.
He certainly had a grant of some parts of Connaught, but I cannot ascertain what it was, except that the grant related to parts of the counties of Mayo and Galway, in which he gave grants to two Petits and others. But none of these grants were effective.
The writer of the Annals of Clonmacnoise was very abusive of him, but the translator suppressed most of the abuse. As far as the Irish Annals deal with his actions, they show only what would have made him " the Glory of the Gael " if he had been an Irish provincial king.
He was buried in the Abbey of Athassel, now better known as Golden Abbey, near Cashel, which he had founded. A tombstone effigy, supposed to be from his tomb, is set up in a chapel of the old church of Ballynakill, near Glinsk, but it is probably that of a later William Burke. ^
During the remainder of the reign of Cathal Crovderg the country
enjoyed an unusual amount of peace, and therefore the annalists
tell but little. At this time the power of the O'Conors was very
much based on the country from Tirawley southwards to Tuam,
^ Journal of Gahoay Arch, and Hist. Society, ii. jj. 107.
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1224. 69
in which ]Muitoui,di INLweenagh and liis family, the son of ^laghnus, the sons of Ruaidhri, and some other descendants of Torlogh Mor, were settled. But the mainstay of the family was still the great Silmurray tribe. They themselves were always quarrelling over the sovereignty. In these new settlements they were by their presence putting the old local chiefs a step lower in rank, and so making it easier for the new Anglo-Norman lords to take the place of the O'Conors later on. For the first effect of Anglo-Norman settlement was to relieve the people from incessant plundering by strangers, and to enable those minor lords who accepted the new conditions to enjoy their own in peace, free from irregular exactions.
In 1207 Aedh O'Goirmghiallaigh, lord of Partry, was slain by the men of Oarra.
In 1208 Donnsleibhe O'Gara, King of Sliabh Lugha, Murtough Mweenagh, who was now Tanist of Connaught, and others helped King Cathal to remove Cathal O'Mulrony from the chieftainship of Moylurg, and to set up the son of Tomaltach MacDermot.
Auliffe O'Rothlain, chief of the Calry of Coolcarney, was slain by O'Moran, w-ho lived at Ardnarea, whose land extended thence to Toomore.
In 1210 King Cathal broke with King John. The consequence was that the justiciary built a bridge and a castle at Athlone, and an invasion of Connaught by Geoffrey de Marisco and an army from Munster, accompanied by Aedh, son of Ruaidhri O'Conor, and O'Flaherty's son, and Donough Cairbreach O'Brien. They came by Tuam to Lough Narney, where they halted for fourteen to twenty days. Cathal Ciovderg did not fight, but came to terms and went with them to Athlone, where he made peace with the justiciary by giving as hostages his .son Torlogh and the son of another noble. The four hostages which were in the king's hands were then released, one being Conor O'Hara.
1213. " Donnchadh O'Dubhda sailed with a fleet of fifty-six ships from the Insi Gall, and landed on Inis Raithin, one of the Insi Modh, in Umhall, and wrested his own land free of tribute from Cathal Croibhdhearg O'Conor" (H.F., p. 303). This must mean that, owing to the reduced power of the O'Conors, O'Dowda freed himself from the heavy tribute due according to the O'Mulconry tract.
1217. Catlial Finn O'Lachtna, chief of tlie Two Bacs, was treacher- ously slain in his house by O'Flynn of Moyheleog.
1220. "Dubhdara, .son of Muiredhach O'Maille, was killed in a dispute by Catlial Crobhderg, in his own camp, in violation of all Connacht; and this was a grievous act, although it was his own misdeeds that recoiled on him" (L.C.).
70 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
The next event shows that a conspiracy was formed against King Cathal, bi'ought on possibly by his having associated his son Aedh with him in the sovereignty, and by the king's having recognised Aedh's right of succession, which is apparent from the State Papers and the Annals. Though the fact appears later, we may suppose that Cathal's intentions became apparent earlier. This succession was in derogation of the right of the O'Conors to choose a qualified heir among themselves ; and it was necessary to act as Cathal was old. I cannot ascertain who the Mulrony O'Dowda is.
1221. " Diarmaid, son of Ruaidhri, son of Toirdhelbhach Mor O'Conchobhair, was slain by Thomas MacTJchtraigh as he was coming from Insi-Gall, whilst collecting a fleet for the purpose of acquiring the sovereignty of Connacht ; . . . Maelruanaidh O'Dubhda, King of Ui-Amhalghaidh, was drowned while assembling the same fleet.
"Diarmaid O'Culechain, a professor of history and writing, died in this year, i.e. a man who had more writings and knowledge than any one that came in his own time ; and it was he that wrote the Massbook of Cnoc, and another Massbook the equal of it for Diarmaid MacOirechtaigh, his tutor, and for Gillapatraic, his foster- brother — the comarbs of Achadh-Fabhair in succession." (L.C.)
1224. " Maelisu, son of the bishop O'Maelfhaghmhair, parson of Ui Fiachrach and Ui-Amhalghaidh, and materies of a bishop, was killed by the son of Donnchadh O'Dubhda, after enjoying his food and his fire in his own [O'Dubhda's] house" (L.C). "A deed strange in him, for none of the O'Dowdas had ever before killed an ecclesiastic." (F.M.)
" Cathal Crobhderg O'Conchobhair, King of Connacht, and king of the Gaeidhel of Erinn according to merit, died in the monastery of Cnoc-Muaidhe on the 5th of the kalends of June; the best Gaeidhel for nobility and honour that came from the time of Brian Borumha down ; the battle-prosperous, puissant upholder of the people ; the rich, excellent maintainer of peace ; (for it was in his time that tithes were first received in the land of Erinn) ; the meek, devout pillar of faith and Christianity ; corrector of the culprits and transgressors ; the destroyer of robbers and evil-doers ; the general battle-victorious defender of the royal law, to whom God gave good honour on earth, and the heavenly kingdom beyond, after dying in the habit of a monk, after triumphing over the world and the devil. Aedh O'Conchobhair, his own son, assumed the government of Connacht, with his luck and happiness, after him ; for he was a king in dignity near his father previously, and the hostages of Connacht were at his command ; and it was God who granted the sovereignty to him thus, for no crime was committed in Connacht
EVENTS FROM 1170 TO 1 '22 4. 71
through the speedy assumption of sovereignty by him, but one act of plunder on the road to Oruach, and his hands and feet were cut off the person who committed it ; and one woman was violated by the son of O'Mannachain, who was blinded for his offence." (L.C)
This panegyric may advantageously be compared with the known facts of his career. It is evident that the record omits very much which would prove the truth of the panegyric.
He founded the Abbey of Ballintubber, begun about 1216. It is not improbable that it was built in reparation for an attack upon the Archbishop of Tuam, recorded in the following discreet words which neither affirm nor deny his complicity : " The Archbishop O'Ruanadha was cruelly and violently taken prisoner by the Connachtmen and Maelisa O'Conchobhair, and put in chains ; a thing we never heard of before, viz., an archbishop being manacled " (L.C), I find no Maelisa among the O'Conors, except the Prior of Inishmaine who died in 1223, nor any incident to account for the alYair.
CHAPTER IX.
FROM ACCESSIOX OF AEDH TO THE SUBMISSION OF FELIM IX 1237.
Aedh's accession soon led to war. The part which Aeclh had taken in 1224 against Aedh O'Neill and the de Lacys would dispose O'Neill to join Aedh's opponents, though O'Neill was careful to avoid collision with the English. The events ax-e recorded thus : —
1225. "A commotion of war was raised in this year by Toirdhel- bhach, son of Ruaidhri, king [of Connacht], and by Aedh O'Neill, to contest the province of Connacht with Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, through the solicitation of Donn Og Mac Oirechtaigh, king-chieftain of Sil-Muiredhaigh, in retaliation for having been deprived of land and patrimony ; and when he rebelled the Connachtmen rebelled, viz. the Sil-Muiredhaigh, and the men of the West of Connacht, with Aedh O'Flaithbhertaigh, king of the West of Connacht. However, Aedh O'Neill came with them to the middle of Sil-Muiredhaigh ; and they made Toirdhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri, king ; and Aedh O'Neill went home, because the sons of Ruaidhri preferred their own assem- blies, which had been summoned by them respectively, with the ex- ception of Cormac, son of Tomaltach MacDiarmada of the Rock, and David O'Floinn, and other men of trust." (L.C.) An entry regarding this event erroneously put in the preceding year says that Aedh O'Neill went home after inaugurating Torlogh, because an army of Foreigners was coming to support Aedh's cause.
" As regards Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, moreover ; he re- paired to the Foreigners, and it happened fortunately for him, as the Foreigners of Erinn were then at Ath-Luain, holding a court, and every one of them was a friend of his, for his father's sake and his own ; for he and his father before him were very liberal of wages to them. He brought with him the Justiciary, and as many of the Foreigners of Erinn as he thought sufficient ; and Donchadh Cair- brech O'Briain, with his army, and O'Maelechlainn, with his army, went also with him. The people of Magh-hAei and the Tuatha fled then into Luighne and Tir-Amhalghaidh, with their cows; and the sons of Ruaidhri were left without an army, without a tribe assem-
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 73
blage, there being in their company only a few royal heirs, and chieftains, and horseboys, and attendants. The sons of Ruaidhri proceeded to Cill-Cellaigh,i accompanied only by a small band and a few royal heirs, to protect their cows and people. Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, with his Foreignei-s, advanced towards Toirdhel- bhach, son of Ruaidhri, where he was with his chieftains, and there were hardly any others than horseboys and a rabble along with him, for Aedh, son of Ruaidhri, and the son of Muirchertach, and Domh- nall O'Flaithbhertaigh, and Tighern;in, son of Cathal, and the sons of Toirdhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri, went to protect the cows and people of Ferghal O'Taidhg, who had pledged a mutual oath with them. And it so happened that he was the first Connachtman who violated his mutual oath with the sons of Ruaidhri ; and he brought the son of Cathal, with his Foreigners, to protect his cows and people, in opposition to them. It was then that the Foreigners encountered ToixTlhelbhach, son of Ruaidhri. He and his chieftains arose, and they placed their rabble before them, and retreated excellently with- out any of their men being slain ; for Donn Og Mac Airechtaigh, and Flaithbhertach O'Flannagain, and a small number of the Eoghanach ^ band, followed them. In that day a scouting party encountered Echmarcach Mac Branain, who was with a small force in the middle of an oak wood, amongst his pigs and his cows ; and he performed great valour when they were killing him, but a superior number of brave men overtook him. Then Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, with his Foreigners, followed the sons of Ruaidhri that night to Milic ; and he remained there three nights, plundering Luighne on every side. This thing was unfortunate for O'liEghra, who had to make peace, after being plundered, for the sake of the little that had been left in Luighne. The sons of Ruaidhri were at this time in front of Loch-mic-Oiredhaigh^ in Glenn-na-Mochart.-* The resolution adopted by the son of Cathal Crobhderg was to go along with the Foreigners after the cows of the Tuatha., and of Sil-Muiredhaigh, and of Clann- Tomaltaigh, by a route tliat no Foreigner ever took before, viz. into Fidh-Gadhlaigh, until they reached Ath-tighe-in-Mesaigh ; ■-' and they received neither arrow nor dart in that route. They plundered Cul- Cernadha, and inflicted vengeance on cows and people there. Of all those that went into the Bac, all who were not drowned were plun- dered and killed. Pity alas ! every one who went towards Dubh- Cunga*^ Avas drowned ; and so the fishing weirs were found with their baskets full of children, after being drowned in them. Of all the droves of Clann-Tomaltaigh that had escaped from the Foreigners,
1 Kilkelly. ^ Probably some of CNeill's men.
^ Lough Talt. * Glaniia Voagh.
^ Att jmas. ® Probably the weir below Ballycong Lake.
74 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
a.nd that had not been drowned, a nvimber went into Tir-Amhalghaidh ; and O'Dubhda attacked them, and left not a single cow with them.
" As regards the sons of Ruaidhri, moreover ; the resolution they adopted at Loch-mic-Airedhaigh ^ was, to disperse vintil his Foreigners should separate from the son of Cathal Crobhderg, viz. the two sons of Ruaidhri — Toirdhelbhach and Aedh — and the son of Maghnus, and Donn Og, were to go to meet O'Flaithbhertaigh, their mutual ally ; and the sons of Muirchertach O'Conchobhair, and Tighernan, son of Cathal,- to go to protect their cows and people, and to make peace for their sake, until his Foreigners should depart from the son of Cathal Crobhderg.
" As regards the southern half of Connacht, also, it was not more quiet, for the Foreigners of Laighen, and Donnchadh (or Muirchertach) O'Briain, came against them. The Foreigners of Des-Mumha and the sheriff of Corcach came also against them. They plundered and killed every one whom they caught. Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, dis- liked their coming into the district, for it was not he who invited them ; but when they heard of all the spoils the Justiciary with his Foreigners had obtained, envy and jealousy seized them. Grievous, indeed, was the misfortune God permitted to fall on the best province in Erinn, east or west, south or north ; for the young man would not spare his companion, in preying or in plundering, provided that he was the stronger. Women and children, and young lords, and the mighty and the weak, were exposed to cold and famine through this war. As to Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, however ; he advanced to Magh-nEo, and the sons of Muirchertach went into his house, under con- ditions and guarantees, for the sake of their cows and people. He went on the morrow to Cill-Medhoin, and the three armies of Foreigners met there ; and the entire cantred was nearly filled with these three armies of Foreigner's and Gaeidhel. It was then that Aedh O'Flaithbhertaigh came, on the covenants and guarantees of the noblesof the Foreigners, and of Donnchadh Cairbrech O'Briain, his gossip, into the house of the son of Cathal Crobhderg and the Justiciary, made peace with him for the sake of his cows and people, and engaged to banish the sons of Ruaidhri from him. The son of Cathal Crobhderg went with his Foreigners to Tuaim-da-ghualann, and permitted the Foreigners of Laighen and Des-Mumha to depart from him ; and it was his own duty to escort the Justiciary across Ath-Luain. He adopted another resolution then, viz. to turn back towards O'Flaithbhertaigh ; for he liked not the way in which he left him, as the sons of Ruaidhri were at the west side of the lake with him, and his own son-in-law, i.e. Donn Og, along with them. Then the sons of Maghnus separated
1 Lough Talt. - Cathal Migaran, son of Torlogh Mor O'Conor.
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELOf. t 5
from the sons of Ru;ii(llu-i, and went into Tir-Amhalghaidh in quest of their cows and people, and found them there, hsippily, without being phmdered or molested ; and they carried them with them under the protection of O'lluairc ; ^ and they committed a great depredation on Philip Mac Goisdelbh. Donnchadh Cairbrech, moreover, sent the nobles of his people, and his men of trust, on before him with great spoils. Aedh, son of Iluaidhri, and Eoghan O'hEidhin intercepted them with a small band ; and the Momonians awaited not the attack of the son of the chief king ; but he went after them and captured the men of trust of Donnchadh Cairbrech ; and heavy were the spoils left with Aedh, son of Ruaidhri. Then Donnchadh Cairbrech went home, and made peace and ' drowning of candles ' with Aedh, son of Ruaidhri ; and he promised that he would not again go against the son of Ruaidhri, in return for the release of his men of trust ; but he kept not this, for he came immediately on the next hosting against the son of Ruaidhri. It was then, moreover, that the son of Cathal Crobhderg and the Justiciary came to the port of Iniscremha,- after the Foreigners of Laighen and Mumha had departed ; and O'Flaithbhertaigh was obliged to give Iniscremha, and Oilen-na-circe,^ and also th6 boats of the lake, for the sake of his cows and people. Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, went again to Tuaim-da-ghualann, and proceeded on to escort the Justiciary ; and a few of the chiefs of the Foreigners, and many mercenaries, were left with him, for he liked not the Connaught- men, with the exception of a few of them. He then delivered the nobles of the community into the hands of the Foreigners, as a pledge for wages, viz. Flaithbhertach O'Flannagain, and Ferghal OTaidhg and many more of the Connachtmen, who were obliged to release themselves. It was then that O'Flaithbhertaigh and the sons of Muirchertach, and the other royal heirs, went again to the son of Ruaidhri, after the Foreigners had departed from Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg ; and Aedh despatched messengers and writings to the Foreigners, announcing the revolt, and requesting additional forces. He was cheerfully I'esponded to ; for these expeditions were profitable to the Foreigners, who used to obtain spoils, and used not to encounter danger or conflict. The Foreigners of Laighen and Des-Mumha were furnished to him on this occasion in great force, under William Cras and the sons of Griffin ; and when they came towards the son of Cathal Crobhderg, he came from the east across Tochar,'* and pro- ceeded on southwards to where he heai-d the sons of Ruaidhri were (viz. in Ui Diarmada), without an army, without allies having arrived
' The Clann Maghnus thus left Mayo ami settled in Kilronan, alias Tir Tuathail.
- Illauncarbry, near Cargin Castle. ^ Now called Castlekirke.
•• Near Templetogher in iDarony of Ballymoe.
7(d THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF MAYO.
to them. Then Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, sent his brother Felim and the chiefs of his people, with Foreign mercenaries, to plunder Eoghan O'hEidhin in Ui-Fiachrach-Aidhne ; and they were in a house-camp at Ard-rathain, with a view to committing the depredation early on the morrow. O'Flaithbhertaigh and the sons of Muircher- tach, as they were marching to the sons of Ruaidhri, heard of the Foreigners having gone on a plundering expedition to Eoghan O'hEidhin, and of their being at Ard-rathain. The resolution they adopted was to march towards Ard-rathain, and to attack the Foreigners early next morning, and to burn the town against them. They marched until morning, and were early on the green of the town, when they determined to send first to the town Tuathal, son of Muirchertach, and their Foreigners, and whomsoever of the Gaeidhel would desire to go with him — O'Flaithbhertaigh and the other sons of Muirchertach remaining outside the town. Bravely, indeed, was the town then entered. The Gaeidhel who offered to go with Tuathal was Taichlech,,son of Aedh O'Dubhda. And when they went boldly into the town the Foreigners fled eastwards and westwards out of the town ; and the Foreigners were driven in rout eastwards. The Foreigners wdio fled westwards out of the town inflicted a defeat on those of the Gaeidhel w^ho were in the rear of the town. There were no Gaeidhel more vigorous than the company on which this defeat westwards was inflicted, but God did not grant that good fortune should attend them. Tuathal and Taichlech O'Dubhda pursued the party that went east- wards ; and Tuathal first wounded the constable of the Foreigners, who fell by Taichlech. It was very fortunate for the sons of Ruaidhri that they were not in this defeat. It was in this defeat westwards that Mathgamhain, son of Aedh, son of Conchobhar Maenmhaighe, and the son of Gillachrist Mac Diarmada, and the grandson of Amhlaibh Mac Airechtaigh, and Niall, son of Ferghal O'Taidhg, were slain ; and the person who slew him was killed, viz. the brother of Culen O'Dimusaigh.
" As regards the sons of Ruaidhri : they met on the morrow^ with O'Flaithbhertaigh, and with the sons of Muirchertach, and with Tighernan, son of Conchobhar, and with Donn Og ; and they pro- ceeded from the south to Druim-Cenannain. It was then Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, with his Foreigners, went in pursuit of them. The resolution they adopted was — each of them to go towards his cows and his people, and to abandon the sons of Ruaidhri. The sons of Ruaidhri went out of the district, as they had no forces or Foreigners in readiness, and Donn went again under the protection of Aedh O'Neill ; and there resulted nothing to them from this host- ing but that the best territory in Erinn was injured and destroyed through them. Regarding Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, however ; he
FROM ACCESSION OF AEDH TO SUBMISSION OF FELIM. 77
went to O'FIaithbhertaigli, and brought pledges and hostages from him on this occasion. He proceeded downwards to Cill-Medhoin, and to ]Magh-Eo, in pursuit of the sons of Muirchertach, and of Tighernan ; and they made peace for the sake of their cows and people, and Avent into the house of Aedh, son of Cathal Crobhderg, under the guarantee of Donnchadh Cairbrech and the chiefs of the Foreigners. This was a necessary tranquillity, for there was not a church or territory in Connacht on that day without being desti'oyed.
" After plunderings, and after killing the cows and people of the country and exposing every one to cold and famine, a great plague prevailed in the whole district, viz. a species of fever, by which the towns used to be emptied, without a living man being left in them." (L.C.)
The following entries are under the year 122G, and seem to relate to the period when Aedh was left to maintain his own authority : —
"Tighernan, son of Conchobhar, son of Oathal Migaran O'Concho- bhair, the royal heir of greatest honour and bravery that came of the sons of Conchobhar, and who performed the most renowned, successful exploits, was killed by Donnchadh O'Dubhda and his sons.
" Ferghal O'Taidhg, dux of the household of Cathal Crobhderg, and of that of his son after him — a man of great prosperity, and by whom his enemies fell in greatest numbers — was slain by Donnsleibhe O'Gadhra." (L.C.)
Under the year 1225 Tighernan, son of Cathal O'Conchobhair, is noted as killed by Donnchadh O'Dubhda. The family of Cathal Migai'an seems to have been settled in Mayo. It is, I think, possible that these entries relate to the same man, the son of Cathal Migaran.
Aedh and Torlogh had such equal support in Connaught that out-